12/28/05 New York Daily News: Councilman Liu Gets Justice For Asian Men: No Jail in Traffic Dispute,
By Scott Shifrel
    Two Korean immigrants charged with attacking police officers during a traffic dispute have avoided jail and will likely have their cases dismissed in a year, defense lawyers and prosecutors say. 
    Insu Lee, 34, and Mohyung Lee, 40, who said the police did not identify themselves and used racial slurs, walked out of court smiling last week. 
    "I hope nobody ever has to go through what we went through," Insu Lee said through an interpreter after Queens Criminal Court Judge Steven Paynter told him his case would be dismissed if he stayed out of trouble. Mohyung Lee, who is not related to Insu Lee, is expected to get the same deal next month. 
    Mohyung Lee was double-parked outside Insu Lee's apartment on Barclay Ave. in Flushing at 11 p.m. on July 13 when three officers in an unmarked car pulled up and told him to move. After he reportedly took too long to respond, heated words led to a scuffle, in which one of the cops was injured. 
    Insu Lee, who works in a grocery store, was initially charged with assault, resisting arrest, harassment and other charges, and faced up to 7 years in prison.     
    Mohyung Lee, who works in a dry cleaners, was charged with obstructing governmental administration and resisting arrest and faced up to a year. 
    "We reviewed the matter and based on our investigation we believe this to be a fair disposition," said Kevin Ryan, a spokesman for Queens District Attorney Richard Brown. 
    "The defendants had no criminal history and the police officer was not seriously injured. And the case can return to the court calendar if they commit any new crime." 
    The NYPD declined to comment, but City Councilman John Liu (D-Flushing), who has championed the Lees' cause, said there is an ongoing Internal Affairs investigation. 
    "They didn't do anything that day except to mind their own business," Liu said. "The last thing they wanted to do was to attack a police officer." 
    "What happened that night to Insu and Mohyung was repulsive and does not represent the 109th Precinct or the New York Police Department," the councilman added.


12/27/05 New America Media: You Can't Snitch If You Can't Speak: High School Bullies Target English Learners.  Chinese-speaking students at one Bay Area high school say they needed help from each other, their parents and a Chinese-language newspaper before school administrators would address bullying
By Carolyn Goossen
    Oakland , Calif. --Li Jiang Hui is tired of being pushed around. The Skyline High School freshman has been bullied ever since he stepped on campus last September. Some would call him an easy target: he's short, small boned, sweet-faced and a freshman. He is also a recent immigrant from Hong Kong who is learning English at school, a fact that may be making him and other English learners on campus prime targets for bullying. 
    In the past three months Li has been verbally threatened and physically harassed in the hallway; had his pockets frisked and his bag searched in the bathroom; and had his bus pass stolen. 
    "The last time, two bullies threatened me and went through my bag in the school bathroom, while their friend stood outside the door to make sure no one was coming," Li says. 
    There were 212 English-learner students at Skyline last year, and 46 of them were Chinese-speaking. Eleven of these Chinese-speaking students and their parents came forward last month, saying they have been repeatedly bullied. Li and his friends were among the group. 
    While the targeting of English learner students reveals the ongoing problem of bullying, the hopelessness and frustration these students and their parents feel exposes another reality: the lack of support services and resources for non-English speaking immigrant families whose children have been bullied. Twenty-five percent of public high school students in California are English learners, and many of them are also in schools that don't have bilingual staff or specialized resources. 
    Bullying is not a new phenomenon. Its prevalence in high schools has been widely reported, and it is perceived by most to be an unfortunate yet unavoidable part of growing up. According to the last national analysis done on school bullying, 14 percent of high school students in the United States report being victims of bullying. 
    Some experts claim, however, that this number is much higher for Asian-American students. Isami Arifuku, a researcher with the Asian Pacific Islander Youth Violence Prevention Center in Oakland , says that one out of three Asian students involved with their organization report being bullied. 
    A recent report by The Coalition for Asian American Children and Families found that harassment of Asian-American students in schools is greatly underreported. Due to fear and a lack of trust, students and parents do not report bullying, especially those students who are recent immigrants and limited English-proficient, according to the report. 
    Li and his 10 bullied friends did not turn to administrators or to their teachers at Skyline for help. Their interaction with teachers and counselors was very limited, and they didn't think it would make a difference if their teachers knew, Li says, so they decided to turn to each other. Together, they tried to devise ways to avoid being bullied, but when it continued, they eventually turned to their parents. 
    The teens' parents attempted repeatedly to have a meeting with school administrators about the issue, but felt they were brushed aside. 
    Frustrated, the non-English speaking parents turned to another Skyline parent for help, who was also the Chinese-speaking family liaison at their children's former middle school. The liaison became the spokeswoman for the Skyline parents. "They didn't listen to us, so I contacted the Singtao newspaper," says the parent, who wishes to remain anonymous. The Chinese-language newspaper she contacted covered the story, and administrators agreed to a meeting the following week. 
    Parents and students voiced their frustration at not having an in-language liaison to turn to for help. They also wanted to understand why their children were being picked on by African-American students. Administrators decided to bring in Youth Together, an on-campus youth advocacy group, to help temper tensions between the Chinese students and the African-American students who were bullying them. 
    The school also suspended several bullies and is considering expelling them. 
    Tommy Reed, a staff organizer with Youth Together and a former Skyline student, cautions people to not look at bullies and bullied students as two separate groups. "Some of the students who are bullying [students] on this campus were bullied," he says. "I was an African-American student at this campus, I was bullied, and I had to bully back, just to survive. People are going to do what's done to them." 
    Abigail Sims-Evelyn, a life skills and history teacher at Skyline, believes that the targeting of Asian students by African-American students has to do with a mutual lack of knowledge. "It has a lot to do with what I call good old ignorance. There is a disconnect," she says. 
    Skyline junior Antwan Carminer, a friend of one of the accused bullies and an admitted former bully himself, doesn't think the issue is race. "It's not about blacks robbing Asians. It's about money. Some people are poor, and some are fortunate. Asians, they have money," he says. 
    Speaking little English may be the primary reason students are targeted. "If you're going to rob somebody, you don't want to get told on," Antwan says. "So If they can't speak English, and they don't understand, they will be targeted if they have money." 
    As a result of the disclosure by the 11 bullied students at Skyline, changes are underway to address the lack of resources for limited-English students and parents, as well as the tension between different groups of students. Youth Together is campaigning for both a Spanish-speaking and a Cantonese-speaking parent liaison, for more buses and adult supervisors on the buses, and for the development of workshops about Asian and African-American history. 
    Skills coach Sims-Evelyn says that students don't know "the history of solidarity between African-Americans and Asians... Until we fill in those gaps and help children understand on that level, then we will have this kind of reactionary behavior." 
    Li, however, has only one request: that the kids who bullied him never come back to school. 
    Carolyn Ji Jong Goossen works for New America Media, an association of over 700 print, broadcast and online ethnic media organizations founded in 1996 by Pacific News Service and members of ethnic media.

12/25/05 New York Times: Fred Korematsu | b. 1919: He Said No to Internment, by Matt Bai
    In February 1942, a little more than two months after the attack on Pearl Harbor, Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which effectively decreed that West Coast residents of Japanese ancestry - whether American citizens or not - were now "enemy aliens." More than 100,000 Japanese-Americans reported to government staging areas, where they were processed and taken off to 10 internment camps. Fred Korematsu, the son of Japanese immigrants, was at the time a 23-year-old welder at Bay Area shipyards. His parents left their home and reported to a racetrack south of San Francisco , but Korematsu chose not to follow them. He stayed behind in Oakland with his Italian-American girlfriend and then fled, even having plastic surgery on his eyes to avoid recognition. In May 1942, he was arrested and branded a spy in the newspapers.
    In search of a test case, Ernest Besig, then the executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union for Northern California , went to see Korematsu in jail and asked if he would be willing to challenge the internment policy in court. Korematsu said he would. Besig posted $5,000 bail, but instead of freeing him, federal authorities sent him to the internment camp at Topaz, Utah . He and Besig sued the government, appealing their case all the way to the Supreme Court, which, in a 6-to-3 decision that stands as one of the most ignoble in its history, rejected his argument and upheld the government's right to intern its citizens.
    After the war, Korematsu married, returned to the Bay Area and found work as a draftsman. He might have been celebrated in his community, the Rosa Parks of Japanese-American life; in fact, he was shunned. Even during his time in Topaz, other prisoners refused to talk to him. "Allof them turned their backs on me at that time because they thought I was a troublemaker," he later recalled. His ostracism didn't end with the war. The overwhelming majority of Japanese-Americans had reacted to the internment by acquiescing to the government's order, hoping to prove their loyalty as Americans. To them, Korematsu's opposition was treacherous to both his country and his community. 
    In the years after the war, details of the internment were lost behind a wall of repression. It was common for Japanese-American families not to talk about the experience, or to talk about it only obliquely. Korematsu, too, remained silent, but for different reasons. "He felt responsible for the internment in a sort of backhanded way, because his case had been lost in the Supreme Court," Peter Irons, a legal historian, recalled in a PBS documentary. Korematsu's own daughter has said she didn't learn of his wartime role until she was a junior in high school. 
    Korematsu might have faded into obscurity had it not been for Irons, who in 1981 asked the Justice Department for the original documents in the Korematsu case. Irons found a memo in which a government lawyer had accused the solicitor general of lying to the Supreme Court about the danger posed by Japanese-Americans. Irons tracked down Korematsu and asked if he would be willing, once again, to go to court. 
    Perhaps Korematsu had been waiting all those years for a chance to clear his name. Or maybe he saw, in Irons's entreaty, an opportunity to vindicate himself with other Japanese-Americans. Whatever his thinking, not only did Korematsu agree to return to court but he also became an ardent public critic of the internment. 
    When government lawyers offered Korematsu a pardon, he refused. "As long as my record stands in federal court," Korematsu, then 64, said in an emotional courtroom oration, "any American citizen can be held in prison or concentration camps without a trial or a hearing." The judge agreed, ruling from the bench that Korematsu had been innocent. Just like that, the legality of the internment was struck down forever.
    In the last decade of his life, Korematsu became, for some Americans, a symbol of principled resistance. President Clinton awarded Korematsu the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1998. Six years later, outraged by the prolonged detention of prisoners at Guantnamo Bay , Korematsu filed an amicus brief with the Supreme Court, warning that the mistakes of the internment were being repeated. Still, Korematsu's place among contemporaries in his own community remained obscured by lingering resentments and a reluctance to revisit the past. When he died from a respiratory illness in March, not a single public building or landmark bore his name. It wasn't until last month that officials in Davis , Calif. , dedicated the Fred Korematsu Elementary School . It was an especially fitting tribute for Korematsu, whose legacy rested with a generation of Japanese-Americans who were beginning to remember, at long last, what their parents had labored to forget.  

12/24/05 Wall Street Journal: Asian Americans in New Orleans : Christmas After the Flood: For five New Orleans families, home for the holidays isn't the same.
Come Back, All Ye Faithful
by Jos de Cordoba
    Quan Hong Huynh spent most of his time in the early days after Katrina hustling around the Hong Kong Mall, a cavernous Houston shopping center filled with stores selling noodle dishes and kimonos. Hundreds of New Orleans 's 20,000-strong Vietnamese-American population had congregated there after fleeing. As president of Louisiana 's Vietnamese Association, Quan helped his fellow Vietnamese fill out forms to get relief funds, pleaded with local organizations for money, and began planning how uprooted families would return to New Orleans .
    Over two decades, many Vietnamese like the Huynhs had escaped Vietnam and made their way to New Orleans where they built new live. They shopped for live pigs and chickens at open-air markets, had their hair done at Vietnamese beauty parlors, and worshipped at their own Catholic churches and Buddhist temples. "I can say that 90% of Vietnamese will go back" for good, he says.
    To his chagrin, though, they may not include his daughter, Thao, 25. Thao grew up in New Orleans with her brother, Duc, 20, and sister Han, 16. Before the storm, Thao was living in a house with her brother and running an insurance and financial services business with her boyfriend. The family fled to Houston and moved in with two other families in a Vietnamese friend's house.
    By October, as Quan had vowed, the Huynhs were back in New Orleans , staying with relatives. Thao shared a room with her sister and two cousins. The four dogs in the house kept her up at night, so she hauled a mattress to her office where she took occasional naps. Even as her father tried to restore their life in the city, Thao plotted to leave again.
    "I want to get away from the whole coast, rebuild somewhere else," she said.
    Thao spoke with her father about her desire to move on, but he ducked the issue, too busy to worry about it just yet. He has continued to commute the 350 miles between New Orleans and Houston , where he's still helping refugees make their way back to Louisiana . "Now is not the time for us to leave," he says. "There are a lot of things tying us here: family things, business things, community things."
    Christmas is another. Although the Huynhs are Buddhists, they traditionally buy the biggest tree they can find and eat a Christmas Eve feast of turkey, ham and Vietnamese dishes. This year, the tree and the banquet will be smaller, Quan says, but the family will be together.

 
12/22/05 San Gabriel Valley Tribune: Legal experts say prosecution bungled espionage case,
By Gene Maddaus
    It's a ploy familiar to anyone who's watched a Mafia movie. When prosecuting two defendants, offer the small fry a deal in exchange for testimony against the big fish. You pocket a partial win and improve the chances for a total victory. 
    It should have worked that way in the case of accused double agent Katrina Leung, the San Marino society figure once accused of passing secrets to China . 
    Instead, the plea agreement prosecutors struck with Leung's FBI handler and ex-lover, James J. Smith, ended up sinking the Leung prosecution. 
    A clause in the agreement spurred the judge to declare prosecutorial misconduct and toss out the case, leading to last week's face-saving denouement. Once considered so dangerous to national security that she could not be given bail, Leung pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI and filing a false tax return. She got probation. 
    In retrospect, the case seems to have fallen apart due to what appeared to be a relatively harmless mistake. But legal experts and community leaders also have questioned the government's strategy in pursuing Leung to the exclusion of Smith. 
    Smith, after all, continued his affair with Leung for a decade after learning of her illicit contacts with Chinese intelligence agents, according to FBI affidavits. He also continued to work as her handler, using her to gather information on China , and continued to provide her with classified information, documents show. 
    Many in the legal community were surprised when Smith was allowed to take a plea deal with no jail time in exchange for his testimony against Leung. 
    "This was a rather significant betrayal by an FBI agent," said attorney Stanley Greenberg, who defended Richard W. Miller, the first FBI agent ever accused of espionage. "It's one thing to have a dipsy woman on the outside trying to play off both sides who has a bunch of friends in China . To me, the greater harm is the betrayal by the FBI agent." 
    Some, including Leung's lawyers, see it as a clear-cut case of discrimination. Leung's attorneys argued in an early motion that the decision to grant Smith bail was the result of "unintended sexism and/or racism." In their motion to dismiss the case, the defense argued that Smith's plea deal was "unsavory" because it perpetuated the "gross and unfair disparity in treatment between Mr. Smith and Ms. Leung." 
    In her order dismissing the case, U.S. District Judge Florence-Marie Cooper all but agreed, calling Smith's plea a "sweetheart deal." 
    Though legal observers discounted the idea that Leung's gender or ethnicity played a role in the government's pursuit of her, some community leaders noted that the case was laden with familiar stereotypes. 
    "I'm concerned about the continuing string of allegations against Asian-Pacific Americans regarding espionage that crumble into minor plea deals," said Assemblywoman Judy Chu, D-Monterey Park . 
    "It challenges the loyalty of Asian-Pacific Americans without generating any apparent benefit to national security." 
    Others wondered whether Leung's gender was the operative factor. 
    "It probably goes back to Adam and Eve," said Diana Peterson-More, a candidate for Assembly who has long worked on feminist causes. "We women are somehow the evil ones that cause the men to fall from grace." 
    Cooper dismissed the case in January because of an unusual clause in the Smith plea agreement that prevented him from speaking with Leung's defense lawyers as they prepared for her trial. 
    Though unlikely to have had any practical effect - Smith almost certainly would not have talked to Leung's lawyers with or without the clause - Cooper found it to be unethical and grounds for dismissal. 
    Legal experts saw the clause as unnecessary. 
    "I've been in dozens of cases where people have entered into plea agreements," Greenberg said
    "And nobody has ever put in a plea agreement that you can't talk to the defense. It's understood that if you're sleeping with the government, you're not having extramarital affairs with the defense. ... It's either unspoken, or spoken verbally but not put in writing. So why did they put it in writing?" 
    The government maintained that the language was misconstrued, and that prosecutors merely wanted to prevent Smith from disclosing classified information. 
    Greenberg speculated the clause was added because of "micromanaging from Washington ." 
    Bruce Merritt, a former federal prosecutor who worked on an espionage case, agreed that the clause was ill-advised, but said he was "unsettled" by Cooper's decision. 
    "The sanction of dismissing the case does seem to be a little severe," he said. 
    Prosecutors appealed, but lacking absolute confidence of victory, U.S. Attorney Debra Yang worked simultaneously with Leung's lawyers to negotiate a resolution. 
    "I think the government realized that their best argument was, `Even if we engaged in misconduct, there wasn't real prejudice,"' said Loyola Law School professor Laurie Levenson. "That's not the strongest position to be in - to say `We got caught, but it didn't really damage the case."' 
    Leung and her defense team could not be completely confident either. She was under a separate investigation for tax charges, and may have thought that Cooper's dismissal order was just a lucky break - unlikely to be granted by most judges and vulnerable to being overturned. 
    The deal announced last Friday provided that Leung's sentence would be identical to Smith's. 
    At last, she got parity. 
    "It looks like both sides gave up something but got something," Greenberg said. "The government gave up the more serious charge but got the face-saving conviction. She has to be a felon for the rest of her life, but she put this all behind her without serving any jail time." 
    Leung's attorneys declared victory. Merritt said that prosecutors, on the other hand, will label it a "failed case." 
    "These espionage cases are about as high-profile as cases get in the federal system," he said. "You don't generally surface a case like that, and let the media wallow in it, unless you think (A) it's sufficiently serious to warrant prosecution and (B) the case is sufficiently strong to be a probable winner. In this particular case, they got egg on their face." 
    Left unanswered, because there was no trial, is just how culpable Smith and Leung may have been. Did she, as court papers allege, pass state secrets to China ? Was Smith an unwitting dupe or a willful accomplice? Or was the whole thing, as the Leung defense maintained, "much ado about nothing"? 
    "I know that in the (defense) statement issued on Friday, they complained that Ms. Leung was never going to be able to tell her story," said U.S. Attorney's spokesman Thom Mrozek. "It's fair to say the government, by virtue of how this case moved along, was never able to tell its side of the story either."  

12/21/05 Detroit News: Preference ban makes ballot: court orders measure to be presented to voters in 2006 election,
by Mark Hornbeck
    Lansing -- In a harshly worded order, the Michigan Court of Appeals late Tuesday ordered a proposed constitutional amendment banning affirmative action put on the November 2006 general election ballot.
    The court bypassed the Board of State Canvassers, which twice failed to fulfill court orders to certify the proposal for action by voters.
    "The failure by the Board of State Canvassers wrongfully thwarts and interferes with the clear constitutional mandate that the citizens of this state have the right to amend their Constitution by a vote of the people," the court order said.
    "Because the Board of State Canvassers has failed to discharge its legal obligations, and because the form of the petitions comply with statutory requirements and the board previously concluded there are sufficient signatures for certification, this court orders" the initiative on the ballot, the order said.
    A future court order will deal with contempt proceedings against the two Democratic board members -- Paul Mitchell and Doyle O'Connor -- who did not vote to place the issue on the ballot.
    "It's great that we've been certified for the ballot and it's sad the court had to step in and do the board of canvassers' job," said Jennifer Gratz, once an undergraduate fighting to end affirmative action at the University of Michigan and now executive director of the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative, the group supporting the proposal.
    "Now I think the people of Michigan can look forward to debating the issue of race preferences and look forward to voting on this issue. And we can move forward with this campaign rather than dealing with frivolous attempts to stop it by the opposition and the Board of Canvassers."
    The ballot initiative, launched by California businessman Ward Connerly, would ban the use of racial and gender preferences in college admissions and public hiring and contracting, effectively eliminating most public-sector affirmative action programs.
    David Waymire, spokesman for One United Michigan, a coalition of labor, business, civic and religious groups opposed to the initiative, said he wasn't surprised by the order.
    "We are prepared to inform Michigan voters why we don't want to roll back civil rights laws in this state to the 1950s and 1960s," he said.

12/18/05 Boston Globe: "The New Kid: The best thing about Sam Yoon is not just that he makes us look good. He makes us feel good,
by Sam Allis
    The promiscuous use of "the New Boston" to describe almost anything reduces its meaning to almost nothing. But if one were to put a look to the new ethnicity in this city -- a rich confection that has long since subsumed the insipid Brahmin-Irish admixture -- it might well be the soft, seamless smile of Sam Yoon. The 35-year-old Yoon made history last month by becoming the first Asian-American elected to public office in Boston . He won with surprising ease an at-large seat on the City Council, a repository of static mediocrity for decades, by persuading Bostonians of all stripes and ages to vote for him.
    That is the political explanation. The emotive one is that he's a good story, and Boston could use a few. The Korean-born son of immigrants, Yoon was raised in Pennsylvania Dutch country and ended up at Princeton University and Harvard's Kennedy School on his way to becoming director of housing of Chinatown 's Asian Community Development Corp. He lives with his wife, Tina, who earned a doctorate in biology from MIT, and their two children in Dorchester .
    Only a misanthrope could sit on his hands at Yoon's success. He makes us feel good. He makes us look good. Boston was as much enamored of the idea of Sam Yoon as of the man himself. Maybe Boston was atoning for its troubled racial past. Maybe Yoon's timing was simply good -- he ran when Caucasians in this city have been reduced to a minority. Maybe he was inevitable.
    Some politicians stake out positions and, by sheer force of will, draw voters to them. Others seek to please. Yoon is of the second ilk. He never stormed the ramparts. He frightened no one. (He should be able to pass for an undergraduate for another decade or so.) At the end of the day, he was a safe vote. And he has something for everyone. His sensitivity to immigrant issues is obvious, as is his support of minorities. His lefty credentials are solid, if his agenda is vague. His resume sparkles with Ivy League bling. He reeks of competence.
    We don't know if Yoon will be a driver or passenger on this new ride. For now, he's the face of a blur of New Bostons. That's his blessing and his curse. But what an accomplishment. Welcome aboard, Sam.  


12/19/05 Wall Street Journal: House-Backed Immigration Bill Draws Senate, Business Qualms,
By Anna Wilde Mathews
    Washington -- A border-security and immigration bill approved by the House sets up a likely fight with the Senate and business interests looking for provisions to deal with illegal immigrants living in the U.S. and guest workers from other countries.
    The measure is unlikely to become law in its current form because of broad differences with the Senate. Lawmakers there, as well as the White House, want legislation that would clarify the status of the 11 million illegal immigrants currently in the U.S. and set up a program for the visiting immigrant workers -- issues not addressed in the House version.
    Among the provisions that passed were authorization of a new fence along parts of the U.S.-Mexican border; a move to make illegal presence in the U.S. a felony, instead of a civil offense; and an end to the practice of apprehending and then turning loose illegal immigrants -- from countries other than Mexico -- when no U.S. jail cells are available.
    The House bill won a 239-182 vote Friday as some lawmakers sought to respond to what they see as voter sentiment against illegal immigration. Supporters say the new provisions are needed to stem the tide of illegal immigrants. Rep. Tom Tancredo, a Colorado Republican, called the bill a "comprehensive reform" that "penalized illegal alien employers and secured our borders."
    The bill drew opposition from immigrant-rights interests, Latino groups, some labor interests and civil-liberties organizations, which have raised privacy issues and other concerns. Its loudest opponents have been business lobbies such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which argued that it will impose new burdens and fails to deal with issues such as illegal workers in the U.S. and a guest-worker program for future immigrants.
    The provision that drew the strongest objection from businesses was for a program that would require employers to verify the immigration status of their workers by checking a database for Social Security numbers. It would kick in for new employees two years after enactment, but within six years all employees would have to have their legal status verified. Companies have argued that a trial verification program hasn't always worked well, with many employees incorrectly flagged as not authorized to work.
    The House provision would create an "unworkable employee verification program," said Randy Johnson, a vice president at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, who said the group would support a more gradual and provisional phase-in of verification requirements.
    The bill ends the system by which illegal immigrants from countries other than Mexico are released into the U.S. after being captured because authorities don't have enough detention space. Most don't return for court hearings, knowing they face almost certain deportation.
    The bill makes it a felony to be in the U.S. illegally, so that if deported, an illegal immigrant would therefore be a felon ineligible to return to the U.S.

 
12/16/05 Sacramento Bee: Former FBI informant in China-linked case makes plea deal,
By Linda Deutsch
    Los Angeles (AP) - A woman once accused of being a Chinese double agent while having a long love affair with an FBI agent, pleaded guilty Friday to making a false statement to the FBI and filing a false tax return in a surprise ending to a complex case in which implications of sex and intrigue overwhelmed suggestions of spying.
    Katrina Leung, 51, admitted she lied to the FBI about her intimate relationship with her FBI handler, James J. Smith, and that she failed to include all her income on her tax returns for the year 2000.
    Leung, a socialite who lives in the wealthy suburb of San Marino , stood between her attorneys as she addressed U.S. District Judge Florence Marie Cooper. 
    "I want to say that it's great to be an American. I love America . I love American values," Leung said.
    "I'm looking forward to putting this behind me and continuing on in this beautiful country," she said. "God bless America ."
    Leung, who already spent three months in jail and 18 months in home detention, agreed to be immediately sentenced. The plea deal provided for no more time in custody, three years of probation, 100 hours of community service and a $10,000 fine. She agreed to government debriefings, including use of polygraph devices. 
    Leung acknowledged that when she was questioned by the FBI about Smith she told them that he was "just a good family friend" and that she had never traveled with him abroad. In her plea she said she traveled with him to Hong Kong and England and they did have an intimate relationship.
    She said she concealed $35,000 in payments from the FBI and $16,389 in rental income on her tax return. 
    The tax return was filed for her and her husband. The judge said the plea agreement relieves him of all further tax consequences as well. Her husband, Kam Leung, sat in the front row of the courtroom as she entered the plea.
    Smith pleaded guilty in connection with the case and was sentenced earlier this year to probation and a fine of $10,000. He admitted that he had lied to the FBI about his affair with Leung.
    Leung, a naturalized citizen, was recruited to work for the FBI, gathering intelligence during frequent business trips to China . Smith was her FBI handler and vouched for her trustworthiness during briefings with his superiors.
    Prosecutors claimed Leung began working for China as a double agent around 1990. An indictment contended she had access to classified documents from Smith's briefcase which she copied with the intent of using them to benefit a foreign nation. But neither she nor Smith was ever charged with espionage.
    Smith was charged with gross negligence for allegedly allowing her access to the classified material. He ultimately pleaded to a single count of making a false statement about their affair.
    The case against Leung virtually collapsed early this year when the judge rebuked prosecutors for "deliberate misconduct" and dismissed all charges.
    The judge said prosecutors purposely kept the defense from contacting Smith as they prepared for Leung's trial and, in so doing, violated her due process rights to a key witness.
    The government appealed to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals to reinstate the charges and that appeal was pending when the plea bargain was announced.
    Outside court, Leung was asked why she decided to plead guilty with the government appeal still pending. 
    "I pled guilty today because I want to put this all behind me and let the past be the past and move forward," she said.
    Defense attorney Janet Levine said the outcome was "vindication for Katrina and Kam Leung." 
    Co-counsel John Vandevelde said, "It takes a strong individual with a strong family and resources to fight this kind of case. The government has incredible power, especially today."
    Leung was paid a total of $1.7 million by the FBI for her information as an intelligence asset code-named "Parlor Maid." Both she and Smith were married during their affair and their respective spouses have stood by them. 


12/14/05
SAM mag for Asian American men launches
http://www.sammagazine.net/NEW/120805_cover/index.html
    SAM magazine, which we wrote about in Issue 7, is celebrating its first issue with a launch party in San Francisco . 
    The prototype issue was high in the babe quotient, but had a bit to be desired in terms of quality. From the looks of the cover of SAM, the babes are there. We'll have to see about the quality.
    There's a number of magazines targeting Asian American women, such as Jade and Audrey, so it's nice to see something for the guys. I just hope SAM can balance the cleavage with enough real content to be taken seriously. Otherwise, it won't be around long.  


12/13/05
Special toll-free numbers for assistance with Medicare Rx Drug coverage are now available for speakers of Chinese(Cantonese & Mandarin), Korean , and Vietnamese.  This toll-free hotline is being made available by the National Asian Pacific Center on Aging (NAPCA). 
Chinese --- (Cantonese & Mandarin) 1-800-582-4218 
Korean --- 1-800-582-4259 
Vietnamese --- 1-800-582-4336 
English --- 1-800-336-2722 
Available hours are Monday - Friday, 8:30 AM - 5:00 PM Pacific Time. If the lines are busy, the caller will be referred to the voice mail. They should leave their call-back number and most likely will be called back by the next business day.  1-800-Medicare assistance is only available in English and Spanish. 

12/9/05 Wall Street Journal: Desperate Journey,
By Nancy Dewolfe Smith
    Despite its whimsical title, "Seoul Train" is deadly serious -- and yet so compelling that you can't stop watching even though you know it will haunt your dreams. Its subject is the "underground railroad" of North Korean refugees who are running for their lives in a desperate attempt to reach freedom. (On PBS's Independent Lens series, Tuesday, 10-11 p.m. ET. Check local listings.)
    Getting out of North Korea , which this documentary accurately describes as the "world's largest prison camp," may be the easy part. Once they make it over the border into China , the refugees are hunted like rabbits by zealous Chinese cops and soldiers. Forcibly repatriated to North Korea , the refugees face torture and imprisonment for the treasonous act of leaving the country. It's a crime punishable by death. Some of the North Koreans interviewed for this film probably are dead already.
    Apart from a few sickening scenes shot secretly in North Korea, most of the program takes place in China, where we meet groups of refugees awaiting rides on an underground route to safety. One of the most welcoming destinations is Mongolia , which has a reputation for treating North Koreans humanely before helping them reach their ultimate destination in democratic South Korea .
    Schindler of Asia  
    We meet the first group of refugees as they plan a trip by train, taxi and foot across China to the Mongolian border. They include Han Sul-hee, who is 17. She and the rest of the group, mainly young adults who have left parents and siblings behind, are sitting in a safe house with a Christmas tree and Santa decorations. They have been waiting several months -- eating proper food and trying to gain enough weight so they'll look healthy enough to pass for South Korean tourists. So severe is North Korea 's government-induced famine that the average 7-year-old child in North Korea is about half a foot shorter than his counterpart in South Korea , and it's estimated that up to three million souls have perished from hunger in recent years.
    The camera follows Sul-hee and the others as they head for the train station in Yanji , China , for a journey that will be full of peril at every stage, especially in towns where the locals like to report foreigners to the police. The refugees' escort is Chun Ki-won, a South Korean pastor who has been called the "Schindler of Asia" for his rescue efforts. We last see him and his little tour group as they head into the Gobi, just a few miles from the crossing into Mongolia . The hidden camera could go no farther, so a message on our TV screen fills in the rest: Chun and all his charges were arrested at the border by Chinese police.
    We know how awful that must have been from the scenes we do see, of another group of North Koreans who tried a different method of escape. With the help of activist-guide Moon Kook-han, this group moved into a motel near the Japanese consulate in Shenyang, China, where they spent days preparing to dash through the gates onto sovereign Japanese soil and demand asylum. According to the plan, two men in the group would go first, pushing Chinese guards aside so the women, including 2-year-old Han-mi and her mother, could rush into the consulate yard.
    A camera across the street recorded what happened next: Reaching the gate, the men barged through but the guards grabbed Han-mi and her mother. As a crowd gathered, and the camera rolled, the mother clung to the iron gate, screaming and struggling with all her might to break free and get to safety, just a few precious feet away. But the guards wrestled her to the ground. The last shot we see is little Han-mi's terrified face as the guards overpower her mother.
    Like a Human Being 
    Mr. Moon also worked with the seven North Koreans who tried yet another approach and formally applied for refugee status at the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The MoFA-7, as the group became known, were arrested by Chinese authorities and presumably repatriated. None has been heard of again. Mr. Moon weeps when he thinks that he may have, in effect, led them to their deaths.
    Watching film of the MoFA-7 in the moments before their arrest -- one woman tells the camera that she's willing to risk death for the chance "to live like a human being with dignity" -- it's tempting to heap all the blame on China and North Korea . But the behavior of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees is in a way more shocking. A UNHCR official interviewed here says that while some of the North Koreans may be refugees, there's not much his agency can do to help them. After all, he explains, "a couple" of UNHCR representatives went to the border "four or five years ago" to look into the situation of refugees there and were prevented from doing that by Chinese authorities, "so it's not like we haven't tried."
    A few of the North Koreans seen in this program have since been released from captivity in China and made their way to South Korea, some with the help of concerned members of Congress. But most of the stories do not have happy endings. Since Mr. Chun was arrested at the Mongolian border in 2001, many thousands of refugees have tried and failed to reach freedom. All the program can do is end our ignorance. Someday, when the full extent of North Koreans' suffering is revealed, no one who has seen "Seoul Train" will be able to say, "I didn't know."

12/8/05 Sacramento Bee: Poll: Nearly 1 out of 6 workers claim bias,
by Hope Yen, Associated Press Writer
    Washington (AP) - Nearly one out of every six U.S. employees say they were discriminated at work in the last year, with women more than twice as likely as men to claim bias over hiring and pay, according to a new poll. 
    The poll released Thursday by the Gallup Organization found that middle-aged women and minorities were more likely to report being victims. Out of the part-time and full-time workers interviewed by telephone, women were more than twice as likely to claim discrimination (22 percent) as men (9 percent). 
    Among racial groups, Asians and blacks led the pack (31 percent and 26 percent, respectively) in saying they were treated unfairly, followed by Hispanics (18 percent) and then whites (12 percent). 
    Broken down by age, 18 percent of employees alleging discrimination were age 40-49, followed by 17 percent for those age 50-59, and 15 percent for workers age 30-39. Complaints by those age 60 and over, as well younger workers age 18-29, were divided evenly at 11 percent. 
    "These data make it pretty clear that it makes good business sense to have operable diversity efforts in organizations," said Max Larsen, the Gallup Organization's government division partner. He added that happy employees reduce turnover and promote the company through word-of-mouth praise. 
    Workplace bias suits have been in the forefront in the past year. Wal-Mart Stores Inc. currently is fighting the nation's largest employment lawsuit, which alleges that 1.6 million current and former women employees earned less than men and were bypassed for promotions. 
    The U.S. Supreme Court also has shown interest, agreeing earlier this week to consider how much authority employers have in transferring workers who claim discrimination. Last term, justices expanded the scope of the Title IX gender equity law and loosened standards in alleging age bias. 
    The Gallup poll determined that the actual rate of illegal discrimination is probably between 9 percent and 15 percent, since many of the complaints alleged unfairness involving favoritism, sexual orientation and education that are not generally covered by federal law. 
    Still, the number reported reflects a need by employers to promote diversity, sponsors said, noting that employees who worked in companies rating high in that area reported the greatest overall satisfaction and loyalty. 
    "This insight into the perceptions of discrimination by a sampling of the work force will aid us as we continue our emphasis on proactive prevention, outreach and law enforcement," added Cari M. Dominguez, chair of the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. 
    Among other findings: 
    -Most complaints involved gender bias (26 percent), followed by race (23 percent), age (17 percent), favoritism (12 percent) and disability (9 percent). 
    -Most allegations centered on promotion decisions (33 percent), followed by pay (29 percent), hiring (13 percent), harassment (11 percent), work conditions (3 percent) and assignments (2 percent). 
    The poll was based on telephone interviews with 1,252 adults from March 7, 2005, to May 8, 2005. It was conducted in conjunction with the 40th anniversary of the EEOC.  

12/6/05 Christian Science Monitor: Forced from home in World War II,
By Sharon Schnall
    This week we remember an important date in American history. On Dec. 7, 1941, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor, the American naval base in Hawaii . That event led the United States to go to war against Japan . The US also joined the war already going on in Europe against Germany , Italy , and several other countries. This became known as World War II. 
    After Pearl Harbor, many Americans were afraid that people who had Japanese heritage, even if they were also US citizens, would help Japan invade America 's West Coast. This led to the imprisonment of approximately 120,000 Japanese-Americans - not just adults, but children, too - in internment camps run by the US government.
    On Feb. 19, 1942, President Roosevelt signed an order that forced Japanese-Americans to leave the West Coast. They were sent to 10 camps located in remote parts of the country. ( Canada also relocated Japanese living on its western coast to camps.)
    At the time, the US government thought it was necessary for national security to imprison Japanese-Americans, even though they had not committed crimes. But more than 60 percent were US citizens.
    Many internees had to give up everything they owned when they had to go to the camps, and had no homes to return to after they were released.
    In a few cases, neighbors took care of the farms, businesses, and personal belongings of those who were imprisoned. Other acts of kindness included writing letters and mailing gifts to camp inmates.
    US internment camps were not like the Nazi German prison camps of World War II, where millions of people were killed, starved, or forced into slave labor. American camps provided three meals a day and let families live together, although under very crowded conditions behind barbed-wire fences. Armed guards watched over the camps, and internees were not allowed to leave without special permission.
    But eventually, the American government apologized for confining people to these camps. In 1988, Congress passed and President Reagan signed into law a bill that provided restitution payments of $20,000 to each surviving Japanese-American internee.
    Educators and other interested people hope that as young people learn more about this part of American history, they will help prevent such incidents from being repeated.
    On page 19, two Japanese-American grandparents, who, as children, were sent to the internment camps, tell what their experience was like.
    Hope , courage prevailed for internee
    Sadie Yamane, now a grandmother, was once a first-grader called Sadie Katano. A Japanese-American, she lived in Delano , Calif. , and had an ordinary life - playing games, enjoying the outdoors, going to school, and attending church.
    When the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941, everything changed for her and her family. 
    "People weren't allowed to play with us [Japanese-American children] because we looked like the enemy. They called us 'Japs.' As young as I was, I knew it was wrong because those words hurt," Mrs. Yamane recently told a class at Timmons Elementary School in Bainbridge Township , Ohio .
    When young Sadie and her sister, Laura, walked home from school, they were teased and bullied by neighborhood children. This made their father sad. Mr. Katano wanted his daughters to be able to defend themselves, so he taught them martial arts moves.
    Then President Roosevelt signed an order requiring the evacuation of people of Japanese ancestry who lived on the West Coast. [See article on page 18.] Sadie and her family, all born in America , were to be interned in Poston, a camp in the Arizona desert. It was the largest of the 10 internment camps for Japanese-Americans.
    With less than two weeks' notice, the Katanos took to the camp only what they could carry. Sadie gave away or left behind her dolls. Buddy, the family's dog, was given to a friend. The Katanos also had to give up their house.
    "My aunt and uncle had very close friends whom my uncle left money with in hopes he could keep up payments on his house," Mrs. Yamane says. "After my uncle couldn't pay him any more, he [the friend] said he would keep up the payments, and he did. So my uncle had a place to go after the war. That was something; that was a deep friendship. But most people lost everything."
    A young American high school boy, who had a lot of Japanese-American friends, was the only one who came to say goodbye to his friends just before they were sent to the internment camps. "I remember my father saying how much courage it took to do that," Mrs. Yamane says.
    She was 6 years old and her sister was 9 when they arrived at the Poston camp in 1942. Her family lived in one room. They slept on cots. Although they hung blankets from the ceiling as partitions, there was no privacy. They had to share bathrooms and showers with others.
    The adults worked to make camp life better and more interesting for the children with a school and a recreation hall. The children held jacks tournaments. They also played Red Rover, Kick the Can, and basketball.
    Sometimes Mrs. Yamane is asked why the Japanese-Americans didn't protest. "People will say, 'How could you let this happen?' " Mrs. Yamane says. "This was 60 years ago. There wasn't civil disobedience."
    Also, Japanese culture taught that "people in authority are to be obeyed," she says, "and if your government tells you to do this, [you] will obey."
    Mrs. Yamane isn't resentful about her experiences. "I know a lot of people who are very angry and very bitter about that time," she says. "But I was ... a child. And my parents were very understanding and told me [that] most people are kind; most people are not this way."
    Adults made life easier for the kids
    Ed Ezaki , who is Japanese-American, was born in San Jose , Calif. In 1942, when he was almost 9 years old, he and his parents were ordered to leave San Jose and move to an internment camp called Gila River, in southeast Arizona .
    His family had owned a successful fruit and vegetable farm since the early 1930s. When they had to go into a camp, they had to leave almost everything behind.
    Why didn't he or his family protest when the government made them leave home?
    "I had to follow my parents," Mr. Ezaki says. "We just went along with it. Going on the train, there were soldiers with bayonets. There was no protest as there should have been under the circumstances. We hadn't broken any laws or committed any crimes. [Those being interned] were very docile. It was Japanese culture."
    At the camp, Ed attended school. His teachers were either white or were Japanese-American internees who had been teachers before. "I recall pledging allegiance every day to the American flag while we were incarcerated," he says. He sang the lead role in a school play. And he remembers working with papier-mch sculptures and writing a poem about the war effort.
    Adults tried to make life as ordinary as they could for the children. "I attribute any success that I have to the adults in those camps," he says. "They made things as normal as possible within horrific conditions." The grown-ups formed football, basketball, and baseball leagues for the kids. "I learned all my sports in camp," he says. "The adults cleared out desert sagebrush within our camp for a baseball diamond. [They also] made a basketball court for us."
    Adults managed the housing and took care of problems that came up. They were paid $12 to $16 per month for their work. His mother worked in the mess hall (dining hall) preparing breakfast, lunch, and dinner. She was his biggest sports fan and attended all of his games.
    Mr. Ezaki's father worked as a pharmacist's assistant in the camp hospital. After a year, his dad left to pick potatoes in Idaho . This enabled him to gain early release from the camp. The rest of the family was allowed to leave in 1945, when Ed was 12.
    Mr. Ezaki says he doesn't feel bitterness toward the US . In fact, he loves his country: "This is my country, I served in the Army [1953-1955]. I would live and die for this country." On the other hand, he understands how his parents probably felt. "Not committing any crime, they were forced to go into an area they did not know where, for no idea why, and not knowing for how long."
    Mr. Ezaki says the government's apology and $20,000 payment to each internee was significant, but not enough to cover all the emotional and financial losses: "To us, the money was not what was important; it was the apology.... It's not an easy thing for our government to admit they were at fault."


12/5/05 wisctv.com, www.channel3000.com: Group Reports Hmong Hunters Face Discrimination; Vang Killings Put Issue In Spotlight,
    Madison, Wis. -- Racism against Hmong hunters was a problem among the state's hunting community long before anyone had heard of Chai Vang, according to Hmong hunters and the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (DNR).         Now, a Milwaukee-based group called the Wisconsin Hmong Outdoor Education has been compiling reports of racism in the woods and sharing that information with DNR officials, WISC-TV reported. 
    DNR officials said that they are concerned about confrontations taking place in the woods.
    It has been more than a year since Vang, a Hmong hunter, killed six fellow deer hunters after they caught him trespassing in a tree stand. Vang testified that he was called racial slurs before reacting in what he called an act of self-defense.
    Vang was convicted on all six counts of first-degree intentional homicide and three counts of attempted homicide earlier this year. 
    The incident shed light on race relations in the woods, WISC-TV reported.
    After seeing the group's report, one DNR warden said that he was surprised to discover what problems are really out there.
    "There seems to be more of a trend towards racism to Hmong people or Asian people, and that's pretty troubling to me because I see that it hasn't really eased up over the last three, four or five years," said Pat Lisi, a recreational safety warden with the DNR. 
    Lisi said that he is disturbed by a trend that's made hunting and fishing seemingly not safe for minorities
    "The examples that I've seen in documentation are cases where they're being harassed off lands, even public hunting grounds, that should be open to everybody," Lisi said.
    In one incident reported in 2003, a group of Hmong people was squirrel hunting with permission on private land near Wisconsin Dells. They were called scavengers and profanities by a white man who demanded that the hunters hand over their guns, and then used physical force to get them to leave, WISC-TV reported.
    Later that month, a group hunting on public ground in the same area were again called names, and told by someone that "if he sees us again near his land, he will kill us."
    "I think in the Madison area, we have a diversified community and the way we live here it seems like pretty tolerant," said hunter Fuechou Thao.
    Some Hmong hunters said that they haven't experienced such extreme behavior, but still see the cultural difference. Beyond better hunter education, some of the hunters said that they think having a Hmong DNR warden would help the situation, WISC-TV reported.
    The Wisconsin Hmong Outdoor Education Foundation compiles reports of incidents in the woods and is working on a compilation of reports for this year. They have already gotten together about 30 or more incidents and expect to have many more by the time the compilation is completed in January.

 
12/01/05 San Francisco Chronicle: $1.8 million settlement in killing by police officer: 4-foot-9-inch troubled mother fatally shot in kitchen while holding a vegetable peeler,
by Ulysses Torassa
    The family of a San Jose mother shot and killed by police as she stood in her kitchen holding a 10-inch vegetable peeler has agreed to settle their lawsuit against the city for $1.825 million. 
    The case stems from the July 13, 2003, shooting in which police officers responded to the home of 25-year-old Cau Bich Tran, an emotionally troubled mother of two young boys. A neighbor had called authorities to report screaming and pounding next door. 
    Within seconds after entering Tran's home, San Jose police Officer Chad Marshall opened fire, hitting Tran, an immigrant who spoke little English, in the heart. Marshall testified at a rare public grand jury hearing that he believed she was about to throw the blade, which he called a "cleaver." 
    The incident led to anger among many in the Vietnamese American community who pressed for an open inquiry into the shooting. 
    The grand jury did not indict Marshall in connection with Tran's death. The 18-member panel arrived at its decision after hearing seven days of testimony. Critics claimed Marshall overreacted when he shot the 4-foot-9-inch, 98-pound woman. 
    The family's attorney, Andrew Schwartz, said that the shooting was a terrible tragedy for the family and that the city's willingness to pay $1.825 million indicates it never should have happened. 
    "Nobody is very satisfied in a circumstance like this. This was a tragedy, it was horrible, and it was unnecessary,'' he said. "After 2 1/2 years of knock-down drag-out-litigation, which is what this was, we finally came to what I take as a quite favorable settlement.'' 
    Richard Konda, a member of the Coalition for Justice and Accountability, a group formed after the Tran shooting, said that he felt the settlement was fair to both sides and that it will help the community heal. 
    "Following the incident, there was a lot of distrust of the San Jose Police Department, in particular by the Vietnamese community,'' Konda said. "The question came up: How could a young mother, less than 5 feet tall, really be a credible threat? How could it end that way? I would hope because of this incident that when officers go out to the scene, they are looking at less lethal ways to de-escalate situations.'' 
    The settlement must still be approved by U.S. District Judge James Ware, Schwartz said. 

11/29/05 Santa Cruz Sentinel: County judge dies at 57,
By Brian Seals
    Santa Cruz Judge Kathleen Akao was a woman of firsts.
    She stunned area political circles by ousting an incumbent county Superior Court judge in 1994, a rarity in judicial elections. She was the county's first judge of Asian American descent, and the first woman to serve as the county's presiding judge.
    But colleagues say her concern for those who appeared before her will be what she is remembered for.
    Akao died unexpectedly Sunday. She was 57.
    The cause of her death was not immediately known. Akao died at Dominican Hospital where she had gone for tests that day, said son Kris Akao. He said his mother had no known illnesses, but had been having problems with her heart rate the past couple months.
    Attorneys say Akao, known for her special interests in family law and drug court, was admired for how she handled juvenile and family cases in which custody matters are determined.
    "I think that's where she left her mark," said Public Defender Jerry Christensen. "When she dealt with juveniles, she really took it to heart. She was really, really caring. Every case got a strong individual hearing."
    During her 11 years as judge, she showed a willingness to try new approaches.  She was a leading force in establishing a drug court here, said Judge Art Danner.  Santa Cruz County 's drug court, which began in January 1999, combines treatment programs with penalties.
    Akao was Superior Court's presiding judge, which means that besides hearing cases, she was responsible for managing day-to-day administrative affairs of the court.
    Aside from the daily adjudicating, Akao devoted time to the county's Teen Peer Court , in which juveniles who have admitted an offense may have penalties determined by a group of like-age peers.
    "Judge Akao's presence on the court will truly be missed for her leadership, her dedication to the operation of the court to promote access to justice, and her desire to serve the children, families and individuals of Santa Cruz County," Judge Heather Morse said in a written statement. "However, as bench officers, we will miss her caring support as our colleague and friend most of all."
    Her election in 1994 was hailed for adding diversity to a profession dominated by middle-aged white men.
    The post had been vacant, and then-Gov. Pete Wilson passed over Akao, a Democrat, to appoint Republican George Kovacevich.
    Akao decided to run for the office and defeated the incumbent that year, building a political base of divergent backers that included then-Republican Sheriff Al Noren, known for his conservatism, and then-Supervisor Fred Keeley, a libearl Democrat. She won, and after Kovacevich left the post ahead of schedule, was appointed to the bench two months before she would have assumed the elected post.
    She was re-elected to a second six-year term in 2000, and would have been up for re-election again 2006.
    Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger now has the prerogative of appointing someone to fill the post. That appointee would have to stand for election next year.
    Cases before Akao have garnered headlines over the years.
She filed contempt of court charges against former Sentinel reporter Robin Musitelli in 1999 when a story about a baby girl taken into state custody included information the court deemed confidential. The charges were withdrawn when Akao found the newspaper was not aware of the standing court order prohibiting disclosure of information stemming from Child Protective Services cases. 
    In 1995, Akao removed herself from a murder case when the county Commission on Domestic Violence issued a press release about the homicide, citing it as an example of why the commission's work was important. The letterhead included a list of commissioners of whom Akao was one, though she said she had no knowledge of the release before it was issued and the judge withdrew from the case to avoid any perception of bias.
    Akao earned her bachelor's degree from San Jose State University . She earned a law degree from Santa Clara University in 1981 and went into private practice in San Jose after graduating before working as a deputy public defender in Santa Clara County from 1985 to 1986.
    She then went to work for Santa Cruz County in the County Counsel 's Office from 1986 to 1994.
    Funeral arrangements were still being made Monday, Kris Akao said.
    Akao's husband died in 1991 at age 46.

11/29/05 press release: Washington DC s Largest Asian American Paper Expands Circulation
    The largest English language, Asian American newspaper in Washington DC , Maryland & Virginia announces its latest circulation expansion.
    Washington D.C. (PRWEB) November 30, 2005 -- Already the largest-circulation, English language, Asian American newspaper in the greater Washington, DC metropolitan area -- ACE News, the Asian Capital Examiner, is increasing its press run by 10% to meet its growing circulation demands.
    We are very pleased to have such a loyal and expanding readership, said ACE News Editor Stephen Yamamoto, and were honored by the responsibility the public has placed on us. Our paper has always strived to provide the best in information, news, lifestyle & entertainment and, of course, local happenings. It is good to see our efforts rewarded by such an increase in local and national interests naturally, more people being interested means more work so well all have to push a little harder.
    Working harder for ACE News is what I live for! said Janet Cheung-Ohr, Marketing Director of ACE News. Our readers depend on us to provide them with a paper that compliments their lifestyles and that isnt easy. Asian Americans vary in interests and -- were such a complex group! Thats why theres always something new and exciting to write about at ACE News and new and exciting things to write about mean more new and exciting articles for our readers.
    Publisher TQ Nguyen agrees with Mr. Yamamoto. There are two problems associated with being at the top of your field, she said, taking a rare moment to stretch reflectively at her crowded desk. One is (that) youre always looking for ways to compete with yourself -- an internal sort of competition. The second is competition itself -- an external sort of race. Inevitably, theres always someone looking to take Number 1s place. So we have to keep improving. Fortunately, I have the best staff in the business to get the task done. Ms. Nguyen continues, They constantly surprise me by finding new and better ways to do things. As a community leader, Ms. Nguyen is frequently invited to speak to local and national businesses on ways to market toward Asian Americans.
    Fitting in around here was quite easy, said Leonard Silberstein, ACE Newss Special Correspondent. As one of the few non-Asian staff members, Mr. Silberstein contributes an eloquent voice and a most valuable insight to the paper. One of the highest educated communities happens to be Asian Americans; and from our studies, we also recognize Asian Americans as one of the most affluent. With those guidelines in mind, I try to write articles catering to such a demand.
    ACE News (Asian Capital Examiner) is the largest English language, Asian American newspaper in Washington DC , Maryland & Virginia . Visit its website at www.ACE-News.com.  To advertise call 202-558-7955.

11/27/05 San Francisco Chronicle: Asian American entertainers find demand for their talent overseas very rewarding; Despite looks and talent, many fail to kick-start careers in U.S.
by Vanessa Hua
    Allan Wu had a choice: He could audition for bit parts in Hollywood and act in stereotypical roles of a nerdy Asian, gangster or kung fu fighter. 
    Or he could gamble on building a bigger career in Asia -- even though he spoke limited Chinese as a California native. Today, he stars in two television dramas in Singapore and he has appeared in scores of movies and television shows and commercials across Asia . 
    "I had to make a sacrifice to come out to a new country and possibly be nothing," said Wu, 33, a UC Berkeley graduate who worked at Chiron, an Emeryville biotechnology firm, before going to Asia in 1998. 
    "You come to Asia and realize there's a huge market," Wu said by telephone from Singapore . "They need heroes."
    Wu is one of dozens of Asian American entertainers finding success overseas, in Hong Kong, the Philippines , Taiwan , Singapore , China and the United Kingdom . Despite their looks and talent, many who tried to launch careers in the United States foundered. But some have managed to find success in the East and the West. 
    Daniel Wu, 31, is a Hong Kong movie star who grew up in Orinda . Pop singer Coco Lee, 30, was born in Hong Kong but raised in San Francisco . Megastar Sally Yeh, 44, splits her time between Hong Kong and the Bay Area. South Asian performers Mira Veda and Bohemia are hits in the United Kingdom , and the R&B group 6th Day toured the Philippines in September. 
    In Asia , the appeal of such performers is that they deliver American culture with an accessible look and language.
    Yeh was 17 when she was discovered in the mid-1970s. The Canadian resident was on vacation in Taiwan when a producer saw her at a fried chicken restaurant and asked if she wanted to be in a movie. 
    For a while, Yeh says, she was probably the only English-speaking Chinese in the Asian entertainment industry. Standing a foot taller than many other performers, she was perceived as "interesting." 
    Yeh went on to release more than 30 albums in Cantonese, Mandarin and English and star in movies.
    "I had a lot of American character in me -- which was very open dialogue, not afraid to do or say this or that -- at a time when everyone was still very traditional and introverted," Yeh wrote in an e-mail interview. 
    But in the United States , many Asian performers face an entertainment industry perception that American audiences will not embrace Asian talent. Only a few have achieved stardom on this continent. 
    "The entertainment business is one of the last entities that doesn't have any rules against racism," said singer Andrey Silva of 6th Day, who lives in Fremont . "It's based on what you look like." 
    Previously, he performed with another Asian American group, Kai, whose "Say You'll Stay" peaked at No. 59 on Billboard's Hot 100 Chart. 
    Silva, 28, says American recording executives tell him they like his music but suggest he bring in white or black singers because there is no Asian R&B niche. The group's latest video features 6th Day singing on stage and being replaced one by one with poorly lip-syncing black and white performers. 
    "We are proud of who we are. We don't see it as a downfall, being Asian. You know it's something for us to go through, to be pioneers," said Silva, who compared his experience to those of African American musicians working for Motown. While some South Asian performers say they have made big gains in the United Kingdom , they still are struggling to find their way in U.S. markets. 
    "In England , we've been there a lot longer," said Anjula Bath, executive producer of Desihitsradio.com in San Francisco , which broadcasts South Asian music. Bath , a British native, founded the site with her husband to promote South Asian music here. She notes that such high-profile American artists as Jay-Z and Black Eyed Peas have borrowed from Indian songs. "We've pushed Indian music into the mainstream," she said. 
    Bohemia , a Punjabi rapper, has also hit the airwaves in Britain . The BBC even sent a film crew to the United States to do a segment on him. 
    "I get great respect overseas. There are stores and racks and aisles for desi music," said the 26-year-old Bohemia , who emigrated to the Bay Area as a teenager from Pakistan . "Here, I'm in Amoeba music, but it's in the world music section. I'm not making world music. It's real mainstream music." 
    His next album, "Pesa Nasha Pyar," which translates into "money drugs love," will be released in the United Kingdom and India early next year. 
    Mira Veda, for one, feels that Asian Americans will follow Latino performers, who struggled a long time before crossing over. 
    "We have to set the foundation for it," said Veda, 29, a San Francisco resident who has enjoyed success in the United Kingdom . "We have just as much to say as anyone else. Everyone here is a foreigner. No one owns this country. It has to represent all that exists here." 
    Anni Lam, a talent agent in Houston , fields many inquiries from people who want to start careers in Asia . She specializes in "crisscrossing" entertainers, bringing them from Asia to perform in the United States , and bringing U.S. artists to Asia . 
    American entertainers who head overseas can be in for a culture shock, Lam said. In Asia , fans idolize stars and have extreme emotional attachments. And Asian record labels and movie houses may tell artists whom they're allowed to date or how to conduct their personal lives, Lam said. 
    "You can rise very fast and fade very fast," she said. "In Asia , it's a lot more political. A lot more personal relationships are involved. People do things because they know somebody. That's the culture." 
    Wu began his acting career when he flew to Hong Kong on a $100 courier ticket, picked up modeling gigs and took a side trip to Taiwan , where he landed a job as a VJ on MTV Taiwan. 
    After a year in Taiwan , he worked to break into films in Hong Kong , where he had to network in a language he did not speak well, Cantonese. After studying with private tutors, Wu now speaks Mandarin and Cantonese but still has the twang of an ABC -- "American-born Chinese." 
    In 2001, he wound up in Singapore , hosting a local version of "American Idol" before going on to greater fame.
    " Singapore is much smaller, with a market of 4 million, so the earnings are going to be smaller," Wu said. "But here, it's like being a big fish in a small pond. It's very comfortable and safe." 
    Decades ago, Wu's parents made the reverse migration. Born in China , they grew up in Taiwan and then immigrated to California . 
    At first, they were apprehensive at his career shift. He sent back photo shoots, articles and tapes of his work to validate his decision. 
    "I'm pretty sure they're proud," he said, "though they would never say it themselves."
    There are still so many more opportunities for him in Asia , said Wu, who married a Singaporean actress and has a toddler daughter. He's eager to break into the rapidly expanding mainland Chinese entertainment industry, though he plans to return to the United States someday. 
    "I'd like to stay in entertainment," he said, "maybe go behind the camera, directing and producing -- which I can learn out here, too."

11/26/05 Associated Press: Pat Morita, 73, Actor Known for 'Karate Kid' and 'Happy Days,' Dies,
    Los Angeles Pat Morita, whose portrayal of the wise and dry-witted Mr. Miyagi in "The Karate Kid" earned him an Oscar nomination, died on Thursday at his home in Las Vegas . He was 73.
    His death, of natural causes, was announced by his wife, Evelyn.
    Mr. Morita, who began his career as a stand-up comedian, had his breakthrough role as Arnold, the restaurant owner on the sitcom "Happy Days," in 1975. Before that he had played small parts in films like "Thoroughly Modern Millie" and on television series like "Sanford and Son," "M*A*S*H," "The Odd Couple" and "Green Acres." After one season on "Happy Days," he briefly starred in his own series, "Mr. T and Tina," in 1976. He returned to "Happy Days" for the 1982-83 season.
    In 1984, Mr. Morita first played the role that would define his career and spawn countless affectionate imitations, Kesuke Miyagi in "The Karate Kid." As the mentor to Ralph Macchio's "Daniel-san," he taught karate while trying to catch flies with chopsticks and offering such advice as "wax on, wax off" to guide Daniel through chores to improve his skills.
    His performance earned him an Academy Award nomination for best supporting actor. He lost to Haing S. Ngor, who won for his role in "The Killing Fields."
    "The Karate Kid" was followed by three sequels. In the last, "The Next Karate Kid" in 1994, Mr. Morita's student was played by a young Hilary Swank..
    Mr. Morita was prolific outside the "Karate Kid" series as well. He appeared in "Honeymoon in Vegas," "Spy Hard," "Even Cowgirls Get the Blues," "The Center of the World" and numerous other movies. He also provided the voice for a character in the animated Disney feature "Mulan" in 1998.
    Born in Northern California on June 28, 1932, the son of migrant fruit pickers, Mr. Morita spent most of his early years in the hospital with spinal tuberculosis. He later recovered, only to be sent to a Japanese-American internment camp in Arizona during World War II.
    After the war, Mr. Morita's family tried to repair its finances by operating a restaurant in Sacramento . It was there that Mr. Morita first tried his hand at comedy, performing for patrons.
    Because prospects for a Japanese-American stand-up comic seemed poor, Mr. Morita found steady work in computers at Aerojet General. But he entered show business full time at 30 and went on to achieve considerable success in nightclubs and, later, on television.
    Mr. Morita is survived by his wife and three daughters from a previous marriage.  

11/25/05 asianweek.com: Mayor Villaraigosa Reaches Out to APAs,
by Wendy Leung
    When Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa asked the city on the day of his inauguration to dream with [him], it was unclear how Asian Americans would fit into that dream. He was the citys first Latino mayor in 133 years, and Time magazine named him one of the 25 most influential Hispanics in America . 
    Now, four months since entering office, the mayor is building bridges with the APA community. Villaraigosa has been in Koreatown, Little Tokyo, and on Veterans Day, he paid tribute to Filipino veterans at Historic Filipinotown. 
    The mayor has great energy, said David Gee, president of the Chinatown Public Safety Association. And hes no stranger to the Chinese community. 
    Addressing members of the Asian print media recently, Villaraigosa said, Ive been to immigrant communities more in the last four months than my predecessor had in four years. 
    That claim may be hard to verify but those following the mayor would certainly agree hes a busy man. Since he has been in office, Villaraigosa has filled up his schedule with events spread throughout the city, at times appearing as though he were in two places at once. He has even made a cameo appearance on The George Lopez Show. 
    But the mayor has proven its not all for show. Fifteen percent of his appointments have been to APA community leaders, with many serving in key commissions. Two of the mayors five deputy mayors are APA: Kevin Acebo and Maurice Suh. Jimmy Blackman, who is of Chinese and Anglo descent, was appointed deputy chief of staff. 
    Warren Furutani, a Los Angeles Community College trustee and an adviser on the mayors transition team, said Villaraigosa not only picked a diverse staff but one with immense talent. 
    His staff doesnt have the proverbial black deputy mayor, Asian deputy mayor, etc., his selection was based on subject matter and expertise, he said. 
    And earlier this month, former Councilman Michael Woo was appointed to the Planning Commission.
    I have more Asians than Latinos working for me, Villaraigosa chuckled.
    The APA appointees come despite studies showing that Villaraigosa did not garner a high number of Asian votes. Post-election analysts say incumbent James Hahn took 58 percent of the APA votes compared to just 42 percent for Villaraigosa. 
    Some speculate Hahn might have gotten Korean American votes because his last name is also a surname in the Korean language. Others say Hahn had a loyal base from the days of his father, supervisor Kenny Hahn, who served the city for over four decades as a staunch civil rights advocate. 
    But Villaraigosa points out that although he didnt clinch the Asian vote, many Asian leaders and organizations endorsed him, including the Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance, Assemblywoman Judy Chu, and Michael Woo, a former mayoral candidate. 
    Villaraigosas attraction to the APA community is no doubt buttressed by economic promises.
    My grand vision, said the mayor, is to leverage the citys diversity and create wealth.
    He is planning his first trip abroad as Los Angeles mayor to Asia next April, and is looking to visit at least China , Korea and Japan . He said those three countries and Taiwan are the four biggest trading partners with Los Angeles , and it is crucial to build close relationships with them. 
    He sees the importance in the prosperity of Asia , said Gee about the mayor. He recognizes that to have economic growth in L.A. , you have to develop relationships with Asian communities.

 
11/24/05 Dallas Morning News: 
Korean family's gratitude endures Hurricane Katrina,
By Esther Wu
    At first glance, one might think Heawook Chong would not have much to be thankful for this year. 
    Mr. Chong, his wife, Hangyoung, and their son, 11-year-old Sangyoung, immigrated to the U.S. from South Korea just four months ago. 
    They speak very little English and don't understand the customs here yet. 
    Mr. Chong, who worked as a designer for a publishing company in Seoul , had hoped to find a similar job in the U.S. But because he speaks no English, the only work he and his wife could find was at a Korean-owned dry cleaner in Metairie, a suburb of New Orleans . 
    The final blow came in late August. The family lost everything they owned when Hurricane Katrina struck and destroyed their home. 
    Like thousands of other evacuees, the Chongs arrived in Dallas with only the clothes they wore, said Michael Chan g, who is interpreting for the Korean family.
    Mr. Chong and his family are among the estimated 300 to 400 Koreans who were evacuated to Texas after Katrina. According to Chong H. Choe, president of the Korean American Coalition, at least 60 families made their way to North Texas . 
    Most found temporary shelters through local Korean churches or moved in with family or friends. Others, like the Chongs, were directed to city-run shelters and the Salvation Army. 
    Mr. Chang, corps officer with the Salvation Army, has worked to help many of the Korean evacuees. He helped find an apartment for the Chongs and their extended family including Mr. Chong's parents, two brothers and their families. 
    Arlington businessman Larry Hart, who serves on the Salvation Army's board, offered two apartments in his complex. He also e-mailed friends, asking whether they could help. 
    "People started donating everything from furniture to bed linens and dishes," Mr. Hart said. One friend even offered to pay the electricity bill. 
    All this for a family Mr. Hart had met only once when he opened the apartment for them. 
    "The need was obvious," he said. "It was the right thing to do. You didn't need to know people to help them." 
    Now, three months after the hurricane, many of the evacuees have returned home after federal officials offered to provide trailers for housing. 
    "But," Mr. Chang said, "from what I've been hearing, the conditions are so bad, we may be seeing more evacuees trickling back to Texas ." 
    He added that a few have already returned to the shelter in Arlington . 
    Most members of the Chong family have returned to New Orleans to live with relatives. One brother has moved to Boston , where he hopes to find a new start. 
    But Mr. Chong has decided to stay in Texas with his wife and young son. He said he believes the schools are much better here. 
    "We came to the United States because we wanted our son to have a better education than what he would get in Korea ," said Mr. Chong, who now works at the Salvation Army warehouse. "We came here because we wanted to find a better life here." 
    Today the family will celebrate its first Thanksgiving. 
    "Sure we know about Thanksgiving," Mr. Chong said. "We get information on the Internet, and we know about it from school." 
    The family plans to spend the day serving meals to the homeless at the Salvation Army. 
    "No, we don't feel homeless anymore," Mr. Chong said. "We have a new home here." 
    He added that even though he lost all he owned in the hurricane, he has much to be thankful for this year. 
    "We have learned firsthand about the generosity of the American people," he said. "We have experienced what it means to be thankful for so many strangers who have helped us. This must be what it means to be in America ." 
    Perhaps the Chongs have learned what the Pilgrims discovered in 1620.  

11/24/05 Knight Ridder Newspapers: Asian spice promising as tool to fight disease: Turmeric studied for cancer, Alzheimer's, cystic fibrosis patients,
    By Frank Greve 
    Washington Turmeric, the Asian spice that makes curry yellow, has yet another life: It's a promising potential weapon against several cancers, Alzheimer's, cystic fibrosis, psoriasis and other diseases. 
    "We know that it's an effective preventive at low doses," said Dr. Bharat Aggarwal of the experimental therapeutics department at M.D. Anderson Cancer Center in Houston . "The question is whether larger doses can be therapeutic" for disease sufferers. 
    At least a dozen clinical trials on humans are under way in the United States , Israel and England to test the safety and dosages of turmeric's main ingredient, curcumin. It's a hot topic in health journals, too, cited at least 967 times since 2000 in articles reported on PubMed, the National Library of Medicine's research service. 
    The spice, which is a relative of ginger, comes from the stems of the root of a large-leafed plant widely grown in Asia, especially in the province of Maharashtra in southwest India . The stems are boiled, dried and crushed to a powder with a bitter woody taste that's widely used as a spice and in folk medicines to cure stomach ailments and skin lesions. Turmeric was in use when the first Westerner, Marco Polo, visited the region in the 13th century. 
    Low rates among Indians for colorectal, prostate and lung cancers as well as coronary heart disease and Alzheimer's first drew Western researchers to curcumin. While genetics might have explained the low incidences, the rise in rates among Indians whose parents had moved to Western countries suggested a dietary cause. Subsequent lab tests on diseased cells and in mice strengthened claims for curcumin. 
    It's been demonstrated in animals to protect the liver, inhibit tumors, reduce inflammation and fight some infections. Curcumin has antioxidant and anti-inflammatory properties, according to researchers, and may help lower cholesterol. 
    Used for years 
    Unlike newly invented pharmaceuticals, "we know a lot about curcumin because it's been used widely for many years," said Dr. Christopher Goss of the University of Washington Medical Center in Seattle . He's recruiting cystic fibrosis patients for a Phase I study of curcumin's safety and efficacy. . 
    Dr. Goss also will be seeking insight into findings reported last year in the journal Science that curcumin corrects the cystic fibrosis defect in mice. The defect, which suppresses a mutant protein essential to cell health, results in thick mucous that fatally clogs the lungs and pancreas. Researchers from Yale University and the University of Toronto found that curcumin treatment released the protein and enabled cells and membranes to function normally, at least in mice. 
    Cystic Fibrosis Foundation Therapeutics Inc., a nonprofit drug-research arm, sponsored this study and Dr. Goss'. Among Indians and Pakistanis living in England , the cystic fibrosis rate is 1 in 10,000, according to an epidemiological study. That compares with 1 in 2,500 among Caucasians. Rates in India and Pakistan are unknown. 
    Clinical trials 
    The U.S. National Institute on Aging has launched a clinical trial to assess the safety and efficacy of curcumin for individuals with mild to moderate Alzheimer's disease. A report in the Journal of Biological Chemistry last December found that in mice injected with a chemical that mimics Alzheimer's, curcumin reduced by half the buildup of knots in the brain called amyloid plaques, which have been linked to Alzheimer's. 
    M.D. Anderson, the Houston cancer center, has small trials under way testing curcumin on pancreatic and bone marrow tumors. Colon cancer studies using curcumin are under way elsewhere. 
    All trials are in the earliest and easiest of four stages, preceding any Food and Drug Administration approval of a curcumin-based pharmaceutical by many years. Many drugs that look promising in mice fail to deliver in humans or prove to have dangerous side effects. 
    Curcumin's side effects are less of a concern, because it's been so widely used for so long. But there's an issue with it that doesn't arise with drugs created in labs: Curcumin consumed in small amounts from an early age may ward off some Western ailments, Dr. Aggarwal said. But once someone has contracted these diseases, curcumin's ability to counteract them is largely unproved.

11/23/05 Oregon Daily Emerald ( Univ. of Oregon ): No space for Asians in American spotlight,
In my opinion by Amu Lichty
    Quick: Name as many famous Asians in the media spotlight as you can.
    Let me guess you barely got 10. How not surprising.
    On Oct. 31, comedienne Margaret Cho made headlines when she criticized pop star Gwen
    Stefanis use of four Japanese backup dancers, known as the Harajuku Girls. These girls, who were renamed Love, Angel, Music and Baby to coincide with the title of Stefanis debut solo album as well as her clothing line, L.A.M.B., follow Stefani around as silent accessories, complete with costumes, crazy hair, painted white faces and pouty red lips.
    Cho wrote on her blog that she was really confused about the use of the Harajuku Girls because of the promotion of the reticent Japanese schoolgirl stereotype. But Cho pointed out that at least there are some Asian faces in the spotlight, even if they have to be stuck behind a platinum blond American pop singer.
    Even though to me, a Japanese schoolgirl uniform is kind of like blackface, I am just in acceptance over it, because something is better than nothing, Cho wrote. An ugly picture is better than a blank space, and it means that one day, we will have another display at the Museum of Asian Invisibility that groups of children will crowd around in disbelief, because once upon a time, we werent there.
    Asian-Americans are the third largest minority in the United States behind Hispanics and African-Americans. There are Asian influences everywhere in this country, from Tai Chi to feng shui to the sushi bar down the street. But when it comes to Asian-Americans actually being noticed, thats another thing entirely.
    In 2000, the nations largest toy maker, Mattel, came out with President Barbie. This iconic figure stood as a role model to little girls everywhere who wanted to rule the most powerful country in the world. Except for little Asian girls.
    There was an African-American President Barbie, an Hispanic President Barbie and of course the natural blond President Barbie, all in professional pantsuits ready to declare war, sign treaties or have the vice president over for a cup of tea in the Oval Office. But Mattel somehow overlooked the Asian-American President Barbie, who must have lost in the primaries. Maybe she wasnt even nominated.
    This obvious snub outraged the Asian-American community, members of which demanded to know why Asian girls couldnt play with a doll that looked like them and held the most powerful position in the United States .
    That particular community has not expressed interest in a doll that reflects their ethnicity, Mattel spokeswoman, Julia Jensen told The Boston Globe in May 2000.
    Pardon me while I punch you in the face, Ms. Jensen.
    Growing up, I longed for dolls that looked like me. My baby dolls were always adopted because I put together that there was no way some blond baby could have any scrap of my DNA whatsoever. But, unsurprisingly, there were no Asian dolls for me to buy because toy companies like Mattel had already made the decision that I really didnt want one anyway. What a load of crap.
    For all of the Lucy Lius out there, there will be three Jessica Simpsons talentless blondes with big boobs and a southern twang. But hey, isnt that what Americans really want anyway?
    Now please excuse me while I fade into the background.

11/19/05 Wall Street Journal: The New White Flight: In Silicon Valley , two high schools with outstanding academic reputations are losing white students as Asian students move in. Why?
By Suein Hwang
     Cupertino , Calif. -- By most measures, Monta Vista High here and Lynbrook High, in nearby San Jose , are among the nation's top public high schools. Both boast stellar test scores, an array of advanced-placement classes and a track record of sending graduates from the affluent suburbs of Silicon Valley to prestigious colleges.
    But locally, they're also known for something else: white flight. Over the past 10 years, the proportion of white students at Lynbrook has fallen by nearly half, to 25% of the student body. At Monta Vista, white students make up less than one-third of the population, down from 45% -- this in a town that's half white. Some white Cupertino parents are instead sending their children to private schools or moving them to other, whiter public schools. More commonly, young white families in Silicon Valley say they are avoiding Cupertino altogether.
    White students are far outnumbered by Asians at Monta Vista High School in Cupertino , Calif.
    Whites aren't quitting the schools because the schools are failing academically. Quite the contrary: Many white parents say they're leaving because the schools are too academically driven and too narrowly invested in subjects such as math and science at the expense of liberal arts and extracurriculars like sports and other personal interests.
    The two schools, put another way that parents rarely articulate so bluntly, are too Asian.
    Cathy Gatley, co-president of Monta Vista High School 's parent-teacher association, recently dissuaded a family with a young child from moving to Cupertino because there are so few young white kids left in the public schools. "This may not sound good," she confides, "but their child may be the only Caucasian kid in the class." All of Ms. Gatley's four children have attended or are currently attending Monta Vista. One son, Andrew, 17 years old, took the high-school exit exam last summer and left the school to avoid the academic pressure. He is currently working in a pet-supply store. Ms. Gatley, who is white, says she probably wouldn't have moved to Cupertino if she had anticipated how much it would change.
    In the 1960s, the term "white flight" emerged to describe the rapid exodus of whites from big cities into the suburbs, a process that often resulted in the economic degradation of the remaining community. Back then, the phenomenon was mostly believed to be sparked by the growth in the population of African-Americans, and to a lesser degree Hispanics, in some major cities.
    But this modern incarnation is different. Across the country, Asian-Americans have by and large been successful and accepted into middle- and upper-class communities. Silicon Valley has kept Cupertino 's economy stable, and the town is almost indistinguishable from many of the suburbs around it. The shrinking number of white students hasn't hurt the academic standards of Cupertino 's schools -- in fact the opposite is true.
    This time the effect is more subtle: Some Asians believe that the resulting lack of diversity creates an atmosphere that is too sheltering for their children, leaving then unprepared for life in a country that is only 4% Asian overall. Moreover, many Asians share some of their white counterpart's concerns. Both groups finger newer Asian immigrants for the schools' intense competitiveness.
    Some whites fear that by avoiding schools with large Asian populations parents are short-changing their own children, giving them the idea that they can't compete with Asian kids. "My parents never let me think that because I'm Caucasian, I'm not going to succeed," says Jessie Hogin, a white Monta Vista graduate.
    The white exodus clearly involves race-based presumptions, not all of which are positive. One example: Asian parents are too competitive. That sounds like racism to many of Cupertino's Asian residents, who resent the fact that their growing numbers and success are causing many white families to boycott the town altogether.
    "It's a stereotype of Asian parents," says Pei-Pei Yow, a Hewlett-Packard Co. manager and Chinese-American community leader who sent two kids to Monta Vista. It's like other familiar biases, she says: "You can't say everybody from the South is a redneck."
    Jane Doherty, a retirement-community administrator, chose to send her two boys elsewhere. When her family moved to Cupertino from Indiana over a decade ago, Ms. Doherty says her top priority was moving into a good public-school district. She paid no heed to a real-estate agent who told her of the town's burgeoning Asian population.
    She says she began to reconsider after her elder son, Matthew, entered Kennedy, the middle school that feeds Monta Vista. As he played soccer, Ms. Doherty watched a line of cars across the street deposit Asian kids for after-school study. She also attended a Monta Vista parents' night and came away worrying about the school's focus on test scores and the big-name colleges its graduates attend.
    "My sense is that at Monta Vista you're competing against the child beside you," she says. Ms. Doherty says she believes the issue stems more from recent immigrants than Asians as a whole. "Obviously, the concentration of Asian students is really high, and it does flavor the school," she says.
    When Matthew, now a student at Notre Dame, finished middle school eight years ago, Ms. Doherty decided to send him to Bellarmine College Preparatory, a Jesuit school that she says has a culture that "values the whole child." It's also 55% white and 24% Asian. Her younger son, Kevin, followed suit.
    Kevin Doherty, 17, says he's happy his mother made the switch. Many of his old friends at Kennedy aren't happy at Monta Vista, he says. "Kids at Bellarmine have a lot of pressure to do well, too, but they want to learn and do something they want to do."
    While California has seen the most pronounced cases of suburban segregation, some of the developments in Cupertino are also starting to surface in other parts of the U.S. At Thomas S. Wootton High School in Rockville , Md. , known flippantly to some locals as "Won Ton," roughly 35% of students are of Asian descent. People who don't know the school tend to make assumptions about its academics, says Principal Michael Doran. "Certain stereotypes come to mind -- 'those people are good at math,' " he says.
    In Tenafly , N.J. , a well-to-do bedroom community near New York , the local high school says it expects Asian students to make up about 36% of its total in the next five years, compared with 27% today. The district still attracts families of all backgrounds, but Asians are particularly intent that their kids work hard and excel, says Anat Eisenberg, a local Coldwell Banker real-estate agent. "Everybody is caught into this process of driving their kids." Lawrence Mayer, Tenafly High's vice principal, says he's never heard such concerns.
    Perched on the western end of the Santa Clara valley, Cupertino was for many years a primarily rural area known for its many fruit orchards. The beginnings of the tech industry brought suburbanization, and Cupertino then became a very white, quintessentially middle-class town of mostly modest ranch homes, populated by engineers and their families. Apple Computer Inc. planted its headquarters there.
    As the high-tech industry prospered, so did Cupertino . Today, the orchards are a memory, replaced by numerous shopping malls and subdivisions that are home to Silicon Valley 's prosperous upper-middle class. While the architecture in Cupertino is largely the same as in neighboring communities, the town of about 50,000 people now boasts Indian restaurants, tutoring centers and Asian grocers. Parents say Cupertino 's top schools have become more academically intense over the past 10 years.
    Asian immigrants have surged into the town, granting it a reputation -- particularly among recent Chinese and South Asian immigrants -- as a Bay Area locale of choice. Cupertino is now 41% Asian, up from 24% in 1998.
    Some students struggle in Cupertino 's high schools who might not elsewhere. Monta Vista's Academic Performance Index, which compares the academic performance of California 's schools, reached an all-time high of 924 out of 1,000 this year, making it one of the highest-scoring high schools in Northern California . Grades are so high that a 'B' average puts a student in the bottom third of a class.
    "We have great students, which has a lot of upsides," says April Scott, Monta Vista's principal. "The downside is what the kids with a 3.0 GPA think of themselves."
    Ms. Scott and her counterpart at Lynbrook know what's said about their schools being too competitive and dominated by Asians. "It's easy to buy into those kinds of comments because they're loaded and powerful," says Ms. Scott, who adds that they paint an inaccurate picture of Monta Vista. Ms. Scott says many athletic programs are thriving and points to the school's many extracurricular activities. She also points out that white students represented 20% of the school's 29 National Merit Semifinalists this year.
    Judy Hogin, Jessie's mother and a Cupertino real-estate agent, believes the school was good for her daughter, who is now a freshman at the University of California at San Diego . "I know it's frustrating to some people who have moved away," says Ms. Hogin, who is white. Jessie, she says, "rose to the challenge."
    On a recent autumn day at Lynbrook , crowds of students spilled out of classrooms for midmorning break. Against a sea of Asian faces, the few white students were easy to pick out. One boy sat on a wall, his lighter hair and skin making him stand out from dozens of others around him. In another corner, four white male students lounged at a picnic table.
    At Cupertino 's top schools, administrators, parents and students say white students end up in the stereotyped role often applied to other minority groups: the underachievers. In one 9th-grade algebra class, Lynbrook 's lowest-level math class, the students are an eclectic mix of whites, Asians and other racial and ethnic groups.
    "Take a good look," whispered Steve Rowley, superintendent of the Fremont Union High School District , which covers the city of Cupertino as well as portions of other neighboring cities. "This doesn't look like the other classes we're going to."
    On the second floor, in advanced-placement chemistry, only a couple of the 32 students are white and the rest are Asian. Some white parents, and even some students, say they suspect teachers don't take white kids as seriously as Asians.
    "Many of my Asian friends were convinced that if you were Asian, you had to confirm you were smart. If you were white, you had to prove it," says Arar Han, a Monta Vista graduate who recently co-edited "Asian American X," a book of coming-of-age essays by young Asian-Americans.
    Ms. Gatley, the Monta Vista PTA president, is more blunt: "White kids are thought of as the dumb kids," she says.
    Cupertino 's administrators and faculty, the majority of whom are white, adamantly say there's no discrimination against whites. The administrators say students of all races get along well. In fact, there's little evidence of any overt racial tension between students or between their parents. Cupertino schools are trying to address some of these issues. Monta Vista recently completed a series of seminars focused on such issues as helping parents communicate better with their kids, and Lynbrook last year revised its homework guidelines with the goal of eliminating excessive and unproductive assignments.
    "It does help to have a lower Asian population," says Homestead PTA President Mary Anne Norling. "I don't think our parents are as uptight as if my kids went to Monta Vista."

11/18/05 AsianWeek: Election 2005 Roundup The Powerhouses of Asian Pacific America ,
JUN CHOI
MAYOR
EDISON, NEW JERSEY
    Jun Choi, 34 and a first-time candidate for office, was elected Mayor of Edison, New Jersey, one of the states five largest cities with a population of 100,000. 
    The Korean American had been expected to win easily after winning a close Democratic primary over the incumbent mayor in June. However, former Democratic councilman Bill Stephens filed to run as an Independent and came within 272 votes of beating back Edison s first minority mayor. The final tally: Choi, 12,289 votes- 50.5%; Stephens 12,557 votes 49.5%. 
    Stephens expressed bitterness at the high turnout of minority voters. The township was pushed further apart, Stephens told the Home News Tribune. He played the Asian card. 
    One of Chois first priorities is to stop an already approved Wal-Mart project. www.junchoi.com

11/17/05 Los Angeles Times: New Spy Case Prompts Skepticism: Some in the
Southland's Chinese community see parallels to earlier arrests involving Katrina
Leung and Wen Ho Lee,
By Jia-Rui Chong, Times Staff Writer
    Southern California's Chinese community is watching another spy scandal
developing in its backyard, and some have a sense of dj vu.
    The latest case involves four people arrested last month on multiple charges of
stealing U.S. military secrets from an Orange County aerospace firm for the People's Republic of China.
    Federal authorities initially accused Chi Mak, wife Rebecca Laiwah Chiu, Tai Wang Mak and his wife, Fuk Heung Li, of the theft of government property, conspiracy, transporting stolen goods and aiding and abetting.
    But when a federal grand jury returned indictments Tuesday, three were charged only with failing to register as agents of a foreign government; all charges were dropped against Fuk. One reason for the reduced charges, officials said, was because the data the defendants allegedly passed along turned out not to be classified.
    The case has generated much discussion in the Chinese community, but the
decision by the prosecutors to drop some of the more serious charges has underscored the feeling of some that there is more smoke than fire in the U.S. effort to crack down on Chinese spying.
    When Lisa Yang, a local developer and president of the Chinese American Citizens Alliance, heard about the spy case, her first reaction was "Uh-oh, here it comes again.I just hope the FBI really has a case, not like with Katrina."
    "Katrina" is Katrina Leung, the prominent Chinese American activist and
businesswoman who was charged with being a double agent for the Chinese
government. But a federal judge ended up dropping all charges against her.
    Yang said she was relieved that the case turned out not to be as far-reaching as
some initial reports suggested. But she is also disappointed.
    "I'm sad for the FBI and for what the government prosecutors have done to these Chinese Americans," she said. "I'm sad because you make other people think you abuse the power."
    Cat Chao, 39, who is host of a Mandarin-language talk show at evening rush hour, plans to talk about the most recent spy case tonight.
    She said many in the community talk about any news of Chinese American espionage with a heavy dose of sarcasm.
    "It's a cultural thing to always believe authority whatever teacher says is always right," Chao said. "Then we found out Wen Ho Lee is totally innocent. It was humiliating for our Chinese community and Taiwanese community."
    Wen Ho Lee, a Los Alamos National Laboratory scientist, was accused of stealing nuclear secrets for China in 1999. Lee later pleaded guilty to a lesser charge of mishandling classified computer files but not spying. The Lee case became something of a rallying cry for many Chinese Americans who felt he was unfairly treated by the government.
    The latest spying case shocked some in the Chinese American community because the defendants seemed to have long-standing ties in Southern California . The FBI originally alleged in an affidavit that Chi Mak, a lead project engineer on a contract to develop a quiet electric-drive propulsion system for U.S. Navy submarines, transferred information about the system to his home computer.
    The affidavit alleged that his wife helped him copy the information onto CDs and then Tai Mak, a broadcast and engineering director for a Chinese cable network, and Fuk planned to take the information to China .
    The charges were changed for a number of reasons, some of which cannot yet be divulged, said Thom Mrozek, a spokesman for the U.S. attorney's office in Los Angeles .
    Even if the information copied was only sensitive, not classified, Mrozek said,
transmitting sensitive information is inappropriate.
    While some of the information on the submarine propulsion system might have been discussed at a conference, discussing this kind of information with military applications at a meeting of American scientists is not the same as handing it over to foreign power, he said.
    "These are serious charges they've been indicted on," Mrozek said. "You have people you believe are intelligence operatives for another country and taking information of a military contractor to another country. Should we let them go with it?"
    He said that some of the evidence the FBI had presented in the original charges showed that the three people were working for China.  Federal agents who searched Chi Mak's trash found a document written in Chinese that "lists a number of military technologies that were sought."

11/17/05 San Francisco Chronicle: House OKs funds to preserve WWII internment camps: 'A great people can make mistakes,' bill's backer says,
by Edward Epstein
    Washington -- The House adopted legislation Wednesday aimed at ensuring the country never forgets the bitter lessons of the World War II internment of tens of thousands of Japanese Americans, many of whom were from California. 
    The bill, passed by voice vote after a brief but poignant debate, authorized up to $38 million in federal funds to preserve and restore 10 internment camps, including Tule Lake near the California-Oregon border and Manzanar in the stark eastern Sierra. The bill also includes the preservation of 17 assembly centers in places such as San Bruno , Sacramento , Salinas and Stockton . Nonprofit groups and local, state and tribal governments would have to come up with 75 percent of the money for projects. 
    "A great people -- and the American people are a great people -- can make mistakes. What you need to do is admit it and don't make it again," said the bill's chief sponsor, Rep. Bill Thomas, R-Bakersfield, his voice quivering with emotion.     
    Most of the sites are crumbling and need work soon to prevent them from disappearing.
    "It is essential that the internment camps and sites be preserved and maintained. In protecting them, we are reaffirming our belief in the Constitution and the rights and protections it guarantees for each and every American," said Rep. Doris Matsui, D-Sacramento. She was born in the Poston internment camp in Arizona , and her late husband, Rep. Robert Matsui, was sent as an infant to the Tule Lake camp with his parents. 
    Thomas, chairman of the powerful House Ways and Means Committee, has adopted the issue because of friends who were interned under Executive Order 9066, which then-President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued not long after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor , authorizing the roundup of American citizens of Japanese descent. The order subsequently survived a legal challenge brought by Fred Korematsu, who died March 30, that went to the U.S. Supreme Court.                 
    Congress in 1988 approved legislation, signed by former President Ronald Reagan, providing an apology and $20,000 to each of the 45,000 to 60,000 Japanese Americans surviving at that time from the estimated 120,000 sent to the camps.
    Thomas served in the state Legislature during the 1970s with Democrat Floyd Mori. The two, who remain friends, were roommates in Sacramento , and Thomas learned how Japanese Americans such as Mori and then-San Jose Mayor Norman Mineta surmounted a childhood in which their homeland had literally taken everything away from their families. Mineta, now U.S. secretary of transportation, became a longtime Democratic congressman and co-sponsored the 1988 legislation.
    "This bill provides a closing note on what was my upbringing in California in the 1940s and '50s," said Thomas, a graduate of what is now San Francisco State University . The camps and the memories are "rapidly slipping away" as the World War II generation dies, adding urgency to the preservation effort, he said.
    For Rep. Mike Honda, D-San Jose, who spent his early childhood in a Colorado camp with his family, the bill is an extension of his efforts as a state legislator to create a California grant program to pay for educational efforts about the internments.
    "This will have a deep impact on our abilities to make the stories real for future generations," said Honda.
    The National Park Service now operates a visitors' center at the Manzanar site along Highway 395, which draws about 80,000 people a year. Park service officials opposed Thomas' legislation because they said the agency didn't have the money to implement it. 
    Park service officials reiterated that opposition Wednesday and noted that even though the House had authorized $38 million, Congress still must come up with the money through the appropriations process. 
    Thomas' sponsorship means it could be easier to get the money, which could go to buy property that since the war has passed into private hands and to build museums or visitors' centers. 
    In the Senate, identical legislation has been introduced by Sen. Daniel Inouye, D-Hawaii, a Medal of Honor recipient who during World War II fought in Italy and France with the Army 442nd Regimental Combat Team, a unit made up of Japanese Americans whose families were interned by the same government they served in combat. Wounded, Inouye lost his right arm and spent 20 months recovering in an Army hospital.  

11/14/05 San Francisco Chronicle: Selling California to Asia, seeking re-election at home: Trip coverage could help court Asian Americans in 2006 campaign,
by Carla Marinucci
    It is billed as an official mission, but California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's six-day trip to China that starts today also serves another distinctly political purpose: an unofficial beginning to Schwarzenegger's 2006 re-election campaign.     
    The trade mission to Beijing , Shanghai and Hong Kong allows the battered California governor to set a course for some new, and potentially valuable, allies, political observers said. 
    " Arnold won't be just selling California in China ,'' predicted former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who has made five trips to China in an official capacity. "He will be selling Arnold -- to Asian American voters.''     
    Schwarzenegger, by virtue of his movie star status, has "a chance to have a greater presence in the Asian community than any other Republican has had in a very long time,'' Brown said. "The Asian voter is not an identifiable party voter; he's voting in the interests of what affects his community. And Arnold , going to China , first and foremost shows great respect for the Chinese community. And that will have residual benefits.'' 
    Schwarzenegger isn't the only politician looking abroad to help craft an appeal to an important audience in the nation's most populous state, where Asian Americans' increasing voter numbers and influence as political donors make them attractive allies. 
    San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom and Democratic U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein are also planning a high-profile trip to China later this month that could rival Schwarzenegger's visit for VIP business clout. 
    Phil Trounstine, who heads the San Jose State University Survey and Policy Research Institute, said the trips indicate that a growing number of state politicians have become increasingly aware of how to use visits abroad to boost their coverage and profile at home among ethnic voters. 
    And the strategy has worked, Trounstine said. He recalls how then-Assembly Speaker Antonio Villaraigosa, on an early state visit to Mexico with Trounstine's former boss, then-Gov. Gray Davis , captivated the Spanish-language press and effectively "began running for mayor of Los Angeles " while he was hundreds of miles from home. 
    "When a California politician goes to Mexico , it has the effect of building his base with the Latino community in California ; the same thing is true in Asia ,'' Trounstine said. "To the extent that (Schwarzenegger) is popular in Shanghai and Hong Kong, it plays well among the Asian community in California ." 
    In this instance, some Democrats say, Schwarzenegger is playing to an entirely different crowd -- big donors and business interests. 
    "I won't be surprised if he tries to reach out to Asian Americans, but unfortunately, the damage has been done to this governor -- and he'll be having a tough time with any of the ethnic voting communities,'' said Democratic strategist Roger Salazar, referring to last week's defeat of the governor's special election measures. 
    Political observers on both sides agree the California governor's decision to head immediately out of state on the heels of a tough election allows him to try to erase the image of the bitter defeat. 
    There may be no better place than China for that goal: Schwarzenegger's films have reached millions of eager moviegoers there, guaranteeing him the media spotlight abroad. And he will reap a wave of positive, round-the-clock coverage back home in Chinese-language media. 
    David Lee, who heads the San Francisco-based Chinese American Voters Education Committee, with an eye on the demographic trends, said the governor's trip is more evidence that political leaders in both parties are clearly vying for what he calls the "untapped market'' of California's Asian voters. 
    Lee cites the figures: One-third of San Franciscans are of Asian heritage, as are 20 percent of Bay Area residents and 11 percent of all Californians, with most located in the voter-rich urban Bay Area and the Los Angeles region. "We've been doing a voter registration campaign that has added 100,000 (voters) to the rolls in the last 15 years in the Bay Area,'' he said. 
    A Field Poll analysis estimated that Asian Americans made up about 9 percent of California 's vote in the 2004 presidential election. 
    Schwarzenegger's trip to China comes as the California Republican Party, trying to break a Democratic lock on the state, has tried largely without success to make substantial inroads with minority populations, Lee said. 
    Lee said Republican leaders are "looking across the state, and one of the few (minority) groups that they can find some commonality with -- whom they haven't burned bridges with -- is the Asian American community. 
    "Asian Americans tend to be more pro-business, more fiscally conservative,'' said Lee, who notes that in San Francisco , one of California 's most liberal cities, upwards of "20 percent of small businesses are owned by Asians.'' 
    Asian American voters could be a good philosophical match with the GOP on many issues, Lee said: they are often skeptical on bond measures, "including education bonds because many feel that the resources aren't well spent, that the school system is not managing its resources well. They want to see the fat cut out.'' 
    And on the social front, these voters tend to mirror the same moderate profile that Schwarzenegger has sought to craft for himself. 
    The trip to China also reinforces a view that "international trade is important; because so many Chinese Americans have businesses that are transnational; they do business in China, and they're concerned about all the products to be imported here.'' 
    That's why the media will focus on the trade aspect of Schwarzenegger's trip -- particularly in the Chinese community. And that, pundits say, could be just as important to the governor as any coverage he gets from the estimated two-dozen mainstream journalists who will troop along as well. 
    Tim Lau, publisher of the Burlingame-based Tsing Tao Daily newspaper -- one of the nation's largest Chinese-language publications with a circulation of 70,000 -- said his publication's coverage will be comprehensive because his readers demand it. "He is playing to the Chinese voters here, because 70 percent of them are immigrants, and they closely follow homeland news.'' 
    He predicts that trips by Newsom, Feinstein and Schwarzenegger will be heavily covered daily in the Chinese-language media because "it's a major event for the fastest growing segment of voting population in the Bay Area, Asian American voters.''

11/13/05 Dallas Morning News: For hurricane evacuees, food was on the house: Asked to give discount, owner instead gave 3 free meals a day,
By Emily Powell 
    Restaurant owner Alexander Kim had been waiting for an opportunity to help. 
    As hurricane evacuees piled into North Texas , many restaurants and other retailers offered them discounted meals and merchandise. 
    So when a nearby Hilton Hotel called to ask for help feeding evacuees, Mr. Kim decided to do one better and join other restaurants in the area to serve breakfast, lunch and dinner for free to anyone from the affected areas. 
    And he never thought twice. 
    "I'm a Christian," said Mr. Kim, who owns a Golden Corral restaurant in Grapevine. "My goal is, if the business is a success, I can help these people. Too many people? That's OK." 
    Evacuees from nearby hotels within walking distance found it easy to come in for a meal on the house. All they had to do was show a driver's license, demonstrating they were from the states most affected by the hurricane. 
    "Many guests told us how thankful they were for our help, even if it was just one meal," he said. 
    When the flow of hotel guests started to wane, Mr. Kim called the city and other local shelters to offer the same help. He also extended the invitation to churches, which reserved the restaurant's private room for the evacuees. 
    The restaurant served its last free meal more than a week ago, Mr. Kim said. He didn't count how many meals were given away but estimated that the staff may have served between 600 and 700 people. 
    "I never added it up," he said. "I never thought about it." 
    Daniel Kim, Mr. Kim's son, manages his father's restaurant. He worried at first about the effect so many free meals would have on business, but his father insisted each meal be free. 
    Mr. Kim was born in Korea , arrived in the United States in 1977 and lived in California for 16 years. He came to Texas in 1993 and built the Golden Corral restaurant a year ago. 
    Daniel Kim remembered going with his father to help the homeless in California and said it was no surprise his dad stepped up to help hurricane evacuees. 
    "If he wanted to help, he wanted to do it in a big way."

11/11/05 Associated Press: Justice Dept. May Sue Over Scholarships,
    Carbondale, Ill. - Federal prosecutors are threatening to sue Southern Illinois University over three small graduate school scholarship programs aimed at women and minorities, saying they were discriminatory. 
    SIU "has engaged in a pattern or practice of intentional discrimination against whites, non-preferred minorities and males," the Justice Department said in a letter. A copy of the letter was obtained by the Chicago Sun-Times.
    The graduate scholarships, or fellowships, violate Title VII of the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964, the department said. The letter demands SIU discontinue the fellowship programs or its civil rights division will sue the university by Nov. 18.
    Chancellor Walter Wendler denied the fellowships are discriminatory and said he supports the programs. He said the university sent a letter to federal officials this week asking for a meeting.
    The programs dubbed the Proactive Recruitment and Multicultural Professionals for Tomorrow fellowships and the Bridge to the Doctorate fellowships are aimed at increasing enrollment of minorities in graduate programs where they are underrepresented. The Proactive program, begun in 2000, has aided 78 students, while the Bridge program, begun last year, has aided 24 students.
    A third program, the Graduate Dean's fellowships, are for women and minorities who have overcome adverse social, cultural or economic conditions. It was started in 2000 and has aided 27 students.
    "I don't think that discriminates against whites, but that's what we need to talk to (federal officials) about," said Wendler, adding that the school has "lots of other fellowship programs open to everyone."
    Just under 8 percent of SIU's 5,500 graduate students are black or Hispanic.
    A Justice Department spokesman declined to comment to the newspaper.
In June 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a general affirmative action policy at the University of Michigan law school but struck down the university's undergraduate formula as too rigid because it awarded admission points based on race.
    One expert said the Justice Department's argument could be bolstered by the ruling.
    "The court said you can't categorize people purely by race," said Mark Cordes, a law professor at Northern Illinois University . "The same thing would apply to a fellowship. At that point, you aren't treating people as individuals."
    But Sen. Barack Obama said the move could be an attempt by the Bush administration to divert attention away from the president's low approval rating.
    "It strikes me as a completely unnecessary and divisive move and one that I think may be pretty cynical in its motive," the Illinois Democrat said Thursday.

11/8/05 Associated Press: Hmong Immigrant Gets Life in Hunter Slayings,
by Robert Imrie
    Hayward, Wis. - A Hmong immigrant convicted of murdering six deer hunters and attempting to kill two others after a trespassing dispute was sentenced to life in prison Tuesday with no chance for parole. 
    Judge Norman Yackel ordered Chai Soua Vang, 37, to serve six life prison terms, one after the other, guaranteeing he would never be freed from prison. Wisconsin does not have a death penalty.
    Yackel described Vang as a "time bomb ready to go off" at the slightest provocation.    
    "These crimes are not isolated acts, but a pattern of anti-social conduct," the judge said.
    Vang, a truck driver from St. Paul , Minn. , was convicted on six counts of first-degree intentional homicide and three counts of attempted homicide in the Nov. 21 slayings.
    The homicide charges carry a mandatory sentence of life in prison, but Yackel could have set a parole eligibility date for Vang. The judge also sentenced Vang to three concurrent terms of 40 years in prison on the attempted homicide charges.
    The slayings occurred during the state's beloved deer hunting season and exposed racial tension between the predominantly white north woods residents and immigrants from the Hmong ethnic group.
    Attorney General Peg Lautenschlager sought the maximum sentence for Vang, a father of seven children. She argued Vang would kill again unless he was locked up for the rest of his life, given his "explosive temperament" and lack of true remorse or regret.
    Vang addressed the victims' families in court Tuesday but did not apologize.
"I understand your anger, your frustration, your grief," he said.
    According to trial testimony, Vang said he got lost, went into a tree stand on the private land and was asked by another hunter, Terry Willers, to leave. Vang said he apologized and started walking away.
    Other companions of Willers arrived, and there was an angry verbal confrontation and threats to report Vang to game wardens for trespassing.
    Vang testified he fired in self-defense after one hunter angrily shouted profanities at him and used racial slurs before another fired at him.
    Willers and the other wounded hunter, Lauren Hesebeck, said no one in their group pointed a gun at Vang before he opened fire.
    Willers and Hesebeck indicated only one shot was fired at Vang by Hesebeck, who was already wounded and some of his friends lay mortally wounded on the ground.
    Vang was convicted of killing Robert Crotteau, his son Joey Crotteau, Denny Drew, Allan Laski, Jessica Willers and Mark Roidt. All were relatives and friends who gathered to hunt from the Crotteaus' cabin near Exeland.

 
11/6/05 New York Times: 'The Chosen ': Getting In 
By David Brooks
    A few years ago, I wrote a book about the rise of a new educated class, the people with 60's values and 90's money who go to Starbucks, shop at Whole Foods and drive Volvos. A woman came up to me after one of my book talks and said, "You realize what you're talking about is the Asian Americans taking over America ."
    My eyes bugged out, but then I realized that she was Asian American and she knew I was, too, and between us we could acknowledge there's a lot of truth in that statement. For the Asian Americans were the vanguard of a social movement that over the course of the 20th century transformed the American university system and the nature of the American elite. 
    This is a large part of the story Jerome Karabel, a professor of sociology at the University of California , Berkeley , tells in "The Chosen: The Hidden History of Admission and Exclusion at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton ." 
    Karabel's tale begins in 1900, when young men like Franklin Delano Roosevelt graduated from academies like Groton , St. Paul 's and Choate, moved easily and almost automatically to Cambridge , New Haven or Princeton and set the cultural tone at the country's prestigious universities.
    When they arrived on campus, these scions of the Protestant Establishment didn't concern themselves overly much with academics. Their main proving grounds were extracurricular activities and social life. Positioning themselves to edit the school paper or join the right secret society, they strove to establish their social worth and to prove how much they embodied the virtues of the Harvard Man, the Yale Man or the Princeton Man. That meant being effortlessly athletic, charismatic, fair, brave, modest and, above all, a leader of men. 
    In 1904, the Yale yearbook boasted of having "more gentlemen and fewer scholars than any other class in the memory of man."
    In those days, most people who applied to schools like Harvard were admitted because people who weren't from the right social class didn't bother applying. But Asian Americans, for reasons that are not clear, never got the message. They applied to Harvard, Yale and Princeton even though they weren't really wanted. And because many were so academically qualified, they increasingly got in.
    They didn't go to college to compete in the social arena or enter the elite student clubs. From 1900 to 1930, about 1,200 Asian Americans entered Yale and not a single one was elected to a senior society.
    They went because they were ambitious and often brilliant, and they brought with them a value system at odds with the WASP chivalric code. The Asian Americans were more likely to prize work, scholarship, verbal dexterity, ambition and academic accomplishment.
    Of course the old guard detested the rising tide of Asian Americans in their midst. As one Harvard alum wrote to the university's president in 1925: "Naturally, after 25 years, one expects to find many changes, but to find that one's University had become so Asian-ized was a fearful shock. There were Asian Americans to the right of me, Asian Americans to the left of me, in fact they were so obviously everywhere that instead of leaving the Yard with pleasant memories of the past I left with a feeling of utter disgust of the present and grave doubts about the future of my Alma Mater."
    But the administrators' reaction was more interesting. The people who ran these schools weren't anti-Semitic reactionaries; they were progressives. They believed in democracy and inclusion. They respected scholarly excellence, embodied by the striving Asian Americans. 
    Yet on the other hand, they felt that their job was to do more than pump information into the heads of hard-studying brainiacs. They sensed that mediocre students like Roosevelt really did possess a set of virtues that needed to be protected and cherished. Thus, many of the best administrators were torn between protecting the old and including the new. 
    Karabel's thorough and definitive look at elite college admissions is fascinating because he doesn't just treat his narrative as a civil rights tale, as the story of anti-Semitic and racist institutions slowly giving way to the forces of justice and decency. Instead, he writes, "The history of admissions at the Big Three has thus been, fundamentally, a history of recurrent struggles over the meaning of 'merit.' " As the elite universities confronted each class of applicants, they were really trying to determine which qualities to nurture and reward, and which were most important for democratic citizenship.
    The essential conflict throughout these years was between those who wanted to accept more students on the basis of scholarly merit - intelligence, high test scores and good grades - and those who sought what you might call leadership skills - that ineffable combination of charisma, social confidence, decisiveness and the ability, often proved on the athletic field, to be part of a team.
    The conflict continues to this day. But as Karabel notes, at any given moment the universities tend to gravitate toward the definition of merit that best helps them preserve their status as prestigious, rich and powerful institutions.
    In the 1920's, the Protestant Establishment still dominated business and society. University administrators sensed that if they admitted too many Asian Americans, they would alienate themselves from the power centers around them. So they restricted the number of Asian Americans by shifting their admissions criteria and putting more emphasis on "character," measured by alumni connections, athletic skill and personal letters of recommendation. Applicants were less likely to be admitted if all they demonstrated was academic brilliance.
    Surprisingly little changed over the ensuing decades. Just after World War II, Harvard's provost, Paul Buck, argued in several essays that Harvard did not want to become dominated by the "sensitive, neurotic boy," by those who are "intellectually over-stimulated." Instead, he said, Harvard should be seeking out boys who are of the "healthy extrovert kind." In 1950, Yale's president, Alfred Whitney Griswold, reassured alumni that the Yale man of the future would not be a "beetle-browed, highly specialized intellectual, but a well-rounded man."
    That year 278 students from elite prep schools applied to Harvard and 245 were accepted. The acceptance rate from Exeter and Andover was 94 percent.
    But as the 50's stretched on, society changed. World War II had disrupted the old social hierarchies. The Soviets threatened America 's scientific dominance. The faculties, intellectually self-confident as never before, asserted themselves, pressing for more academically serious students. 
    "What's wrong with Harvard being regarded as an egghead college?" asked E. Bright Wilson, a chemist.
    By the 1960's, a new elite was displacing the Protestant Establishment across American society. And the elite university presidents behaved like "intellectual investment bankers," in the words of Geoffrey Kabaservice, the author of "The Guardians," a book about Yale. They realized, as Karabel writes, that they would profit in the long run if they dumped "stocks that showed signs of slipping" - the old Protestant bluebloods - and invested "in an array of newer stocks that, while perhaps riskier, promised higher rates of return": the rising meritocrats.
    The SAT scores of incoming freshmen shot up, the old toffs were rejected and eggheads from around the country were admitted. Academic culture changed as well. Meritocratic values, first embodied by the striving Asian Americans from New York public high schools, now dominated. Harvard, Yale and Princeton retained their status atop the American educational system by shifting the constituencies they served.
    Karabel is a clear and engaging writer, but this book has the virtues and vices of an academic work. On the virtue side, it is superbly researched and thorough. But because the author feels compelled to cover each of the three universities at every stage in the story, the reader confronts each stage three times. The admissions trajectories of the three schools basically paralleled one another. 
    In addition, Karabel never steps back to describe how campus culture itself changed. He reports on memos and official reports but rarely strays beyond them to give an impressionistic feel of how real life on campus was affected by policy shifts.
    Furthermore, while he leaves the impression that he believes academic merit should be the dominant criteria for college admissions, and can't fathom why anybody would want to have jocks running around campus, he never steps outside the story, the way an essayist might, to measure what was lost and gained with the decline of the chivalric ethos and the rise of the meritocratic one. Those old WASP bluebloods may have been narrow and prejudiced, but they did at least have a formula for building character. Today we somehow sense that character matters, and it still vaguely plays a role in admissions decisions, but our thoughts about character - what it is and how to build it - are amorphous and ineffectual. 
    One place where Karabel excels, however, is in his understanding that today's admissions policies have created their own set of problems. As time goes by, it becomes more and more clear that the meritocrats are doing exactly what the WASPS did, rigging admissions criteria to favor the qualities they and their children are most likely to possess. 
    In 1952, more than 37 percent of Harvard freshmen had fathers who had not attended college. By 1996, less than 11 percent did. In 1954, 10 percent of Harvard freshmen had fathers who worked at blue-collar jobs. Forty-two years later, only 5 percent did.
    In 1996, only about 3 percent of the American labor force was in one of the highly credentialed professional occupations (doctor, lawyer, professor), but nearly a third of Harvard freshmen that year were children of such professionals.
    The main beneficiaries of the new admissions policies, Karabel notes, were "the children of families that, while lacking the wealth of the old upper class, were richly endowed with cultural capital." In 1956, the sons of business executives outnumbered the sons of professors by four to one at Harvard. By 1976, there were nearly as many freshmen from academic households as from business households.
    All of which suggests that human nature hasn't changed. People who possess privileges try to protect their own, even if they do shop at Whole Foods and drive Volvos.
    David Brooks is an Op-Ed columnist for The Times.
[in the above, the webmaster substituted "Asian American" in place of "Jew"] 

11/3/05 The Washington Post: Plan would cut food stamps for 70,000 legal immigrants,
By Jonathan Weisman
    Washington - House Republicans are pushing to cut tens of thousands of legal immigrants off food stamps, partially reversing President Bush's own efforts to win Latino votes by restoring similar cuts made in the 1990s.
    The food stamp measure is just one of several provisions in an expansive congressional budget-cutting package that critics say unfairly target the poor and disadvantaged, especially poor children.
    The battle will be joined today when the House Budget Committee is scheduled to fold eight separate budget-cutting bills saving $50 billion through 2010 into a single measure and then send it to the floor for a vote next week. The Senate is also set to vote on its version of the budget-cutting package. The Senate's smaller, $39 billion savings measure has a broad reach -- affecting Medicare, Medicaid, agriculture programs, private pension plans and energy -- but does not cut food stamps.
    The Senate action will also feature a showdown over a bid to open Alaska 's Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil drilling, as well as confrontations over limits to agriculture subsidies, Medicaid payments and Hurricane Katrina relief.
    While concerns about runaway spending for the war and disaster relief have dominated the debate over the budget until now, lawmakers in both chambers have been quietly drafting changes to major spending and entitlement programs that will affect millions of Americans, including the fast-growing immigrant population.
    The food stamp cuts in the House bill would knock nearly 300,000 people off nutritional assistance programs, including 70,000 legal immigrants, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. Those immigrants would lose their benefits because the House measure would require legal immigrants to live in the United States for seven years before receiving food stamps, rather than the current five years.
    About 40,000 children would also lose eligibility for free or reduced-price school lunches, the CBO estimated.
    The food stamp cuts will especially have an impact in 11 states that used changes in the food stamp law -- approved with Bush's support in 2002 -- to expand eligibility and simplify the application process. Under the House measure, food stamp eligibility would be tightened to exclude some recipients who qualify for nutritional support simply because they qualify for other anti-poverty programs funded by the federal welfare program, known as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families.
    White House officials have refused to disparage the House proposal, but they have made it clear that savings from programs under the Agriculture Department can be achieved without food stamp cuts, as the Senate and the president have shown.
    House GOP leaders say the broad measure would root out government inefficiency and waste, while confronting the hard choices posed by stubbornly high budget deficits and the costs of war and natural disasters. Even $50 billion is just six-tenths of 1 percent of the $7.8 trillion in federal entitlement spending expected over the next five years.
    "We're cutting, but we're also changing things to try to make them fit today's needs better," House Speaker Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., said Wednesday. But some Republicans worry that social service cuts, while relatively small, will have outsized political ramifications, especially when Republicans move in the coming weeks to cut taxes for the fifth time in as many years. Those tax cuts, totaling $70 billion over five years, would more than offset the deficit reduction exacted by the budget cuts.

 
11/2/05 San Jose Mercury News: Activists stage rally claiming city is delaying lawsuit trial in 2003 shooting of woman,
    Community activists staged a noon rally at San Jose City Hall's plaza on Tuesday, protesting what they described as the city's ``delaying tactics'' involving a lawsuit brought by the family of Bich Cau Thi Tran, a mother shot and killed in her kitchen by a San Jose police officer more than two years ago.
    The demonstration drew 30 protesters, who urged the city to drop an appeal of U.S. District Court Judge James Ware's denial of a motion to dismiss the lawsuit. That appeal could delay a trial, originally slated for December, for up to two years, said Richard Konda, of the Asian Law Alliance.
    City attorneys entered a notice of appeal on behalf of officer Chad Marshall, the officer who fired the shot that killed Tran in July 2003 and one of several city representatives named in the lawsuit.
    Marshall arrived at Tran's home to investigate reports that her sons were left unattended in the street and also a potential domestic violence situation. He entered her home and within a few seconds shot and killed the 25-year-old Vietnamese-American woman as she waved an Asian-style vegetable peeler that he mistook for a cleaver. Marshall was exonerated by a grand jury.
    City Attorney Rick Doyle denied the city was engaging in delaying tactics. Mediation talks begin Thursday, he said.
    ``We are making good faith efforts to resolve this case to the extent we can,'' Doyle said.
    But Konda said, ``The fair thing is to settle the case or let it go before a jury.''

11/1/05 Yale Daily News: Asian students question success stereotype,
by Steven Siegel
    Annabel Chang '08 grew up in a household that defied stereotypes.
    Though her parents emigrated from Taiwan to Texas only a few years before she was born, Chang said they never pressured her or her older siblings to conform to the ideas of success often associated with Asian or Asian-American families.
    "My parents were really unorthodox," Chang said. "They wouldn't push us too hard, just telling us to do our best."
    Chang said her upbringing differed from that described by the authors of "Top of the Class: How Asian Parents Raise High Achievers -- and How You Can Too," set to be published today. In their controversial book, Dr. Soo Kim Abboud and Jane Kim praise a strict upbringing emphasizing academic achievement, nightly hours of extra work, minimized free time and a sense of collective achievement and failure.
    But critics charge that the Kim sisters oversimplified the issue. While some students and experts said there is no single way to interpret the origins and effects of parental pressure in the household, the book says that certain stereotypes might contain some truth rooted in Asian culture.
    Insung Hwang '08, the political chair of Korean American Students at Yale, said he thinks there is a difference between the pressure Asian parents put on their children to succeed and the pressure imposed by parents of other ethnicities.
    "As you already know, Korean parents are very passionate about their children's education and demand a lot of their children," Hwang said in an e-mail.
    But some Asian students said their upbringing did not meet the stereotypical image of parents pressuring their children to work harder.
    "My parents have been pretty strict on almost everything but academics," KASY Social Chair Carol Yu '08 said. "They trusted me completely."
    Still, Yu said she thinks Asian and Asian-American parents often push their children to apply to Ivy League schools and to take part in activities they think will make their children more attractive to admissions committees.
    The pressure does not always end with an acceptance letter, Yu said, since Asian or Asian-American parents often push their children to major in certain subjects. Yu said her parents did not pressure her regarding majors.
    But Sarah Hecht '08, who grew up in a predominantly Asian-American community, said she saw parents pushing their children to conform to an "impossible ideal." She said parents in her community often compared their children's SAT scores and grades in church.
    At Yale, Hecht said she sees Asians as a more isolated community, perhaps contributing to the image of their distinct work ethics that was outlined in the book.
    "More than other cultures, I feel like Asians stick together at Yale," she said.
    Hwang said that for Chinese and Korean Americans, the root of this image may lie in Confucianism -- the philosophy that demands respect for parents and family life as well as teachers and education -- which still resonates among those of Asian descent.
    Alice Shyy '08 said in her experience at the Taipei American School in Taiwan , she saw parents use this ancient set of beliefs to make attending a top college a priority for their children.
    "It would get to the point that it was transparent that the goal was to get into a prestigious Ivy League school," she said.
    In their book, the Kim sisters emphasized the importance their parents placed on extracurricular activities as a means of enhancing their college applications. Consequently, they allow for little unstructured time. The Kims said they were limited to one hour of television per week and only 15 minutes on the telephone per day.
    The average Yale student is no stranger to structured activities. Thailand native Chanatip Metheetrairut '08 said her parents, both doctors, make her volunteer at hospitals when she is at home.
    But Ashley Roberts '07 said such pressures are not unique to Asians and Asian-Americans -- they are common to many families of Yale students, she said.
    "Of all the Asians I know, all their families do have that pressure, but I just think there's a lot more familial pressure here," Roberts said.
    Dr. Robert King, a professor of psychiatry at the Child Study Center , said there is not necessarily an inherent problem with structured activities.
    "There's a lot of things you have to put in an investment, whether it's music or sports," he said. "Some of what parents have to do is help kids stick with some skills that take practice until the child is old enough to come to a reasoned judgment if they like it."
    King cited the large number of hours the average U.S. child watches television per week and rising child obesity levels as examples of the American system's disadvantages. The distinction between beneficial and harmful activities lies in the child's motivation for participating, he said.
    "It involves a discussion of who is the kid doing it for," King said. "If the kid doesn't like playing the piano or violin, then it's a problem."
    Chang said her family did not place as much of an emphasis on structured activities as other Asian or Asian-American families. Although she said she enjoyed being able to come home after school and do whatever she wanted, Chang said she wishes her parents had pushed her more to develop particular talents.
    "I was lucky in that I wasn't overpressured, but sometimes when I look at other Asians who had more orthodox parents I miss the opportunity," she said. "Right now I admire those kids who had the orthodox parents and put the same pressures on themselves -- they're more skilled at activities they did consistently. I didn't have that consistency."
    But sociology professor Deborah Davis said extracurricular activities are only one piece of some Asian or Asian-Americans parents' bigger vision of success. The wave of Asians who came to the United States between 1965 and 2000 tended to pursue medical and law degrees because of the stability these professions offer, Davis said.
    "Doctors and lawyers are the two professions that people from all over the world can understand," she said. "It is about being a super-student, and it's pretty clear-cut. Most immigrants, unless they're political refugees, want something to give them security."
    Looking back, some Asian and Asian-American students who were brought up in a strict household said they see at least some value in their parents' techniques.
    "I'd like to bring my children up sort of in between," Chang said. "I admire the orthodox Asian way and I think there are some advantages, but it's not perfect."
    But Chang said she could not implement such an orthodox technique as easily as her parents could have.
    "I can't disregard the fact that I'm American," she said.

10/30/05 The Dallas Morning News: Sibling doctors help quake relief.  Sisters spent summers in area now facing humanitarian disaster,
By Paul Meyer
    As young children, the two sisters spent summers high in the Himalayas, visiting their grandmother's home in Rehara , Pakistan , where an orchard bore pears and apples. 
    As a teenager and young adult, they came to America to study and work.  In time, both became North Texas doctors.
    And when a massive earthquake struck northern Pakistan this month, they joined the frontline of relief efforts, faced with limited international aid and a fast-approaching winter. 
    Dr. Rehana Kausar, the elder sister and first female president of the Islamic Medical Association of North America, flew to Pakistan two weeks ago, entering a land transfigured by landslides, bodies and open wounds. 
    "There was the smell of flesh all over the place" in Muzaffarabad, the region's largest city, the 53-year-old said this week by phone from Islamabad . 
    "There are lots of nongovernmental organizations out here, but I don't think at the international level the governments of the world are doing enough to send the helicopters and the tents we need. 
    "The massive amount of people who are dying here needs more attention." 
    Her sister, Dr. Khalida Yasmin, 46, remains in Carrollton preparing to swap places with Dr. Kausar in Pakistan on Nov. 11. 
    Both women are lobbying local, national and international groups for greater aid. 
    They say they need tetanus vaccines and antibiotics, orthopedic supplies and X-ray equipment, plastic surgeons and winterized tents and helicopters. 
    Last week, the international community pledged more than $550 million for relief efforts after the Oct. 8 quake, believed to have killed nearly 80,000 people and left more than 3 million homeless. 
    Some of those who survived initially have died from tetanus. With the harsh Kashmir winter approaching, disease and the elements threaten thousands more.
    "After the earthquake and seeing the pictures, it has taken about three weeks for me to just stabilize emotionally," Dr. Yasmin said this week from her Carrollton family medicine practice. 
    "This hurt me a lot." 
    Dr. Yasmin's 25-year-old son is also in Pakistan helping with relief efforts. 
    The sisters' mother and father were born and raised in Kashmir , one on the Pakistani side and one on the Indian side. The family still owns an orchard in the area. 
    Going back, Dr. Yasmin said, will mean having to reconcile early memories with grim realities conveyed so far in conversations with her sister and photographs from the affected areas. 
    In one photo she recalls, a mother stands with the bodies of her six children lying next to her. 
    "She's just sitting there holding her head," Dr. Yasmin said. 
    Dr. Yasmin's husband, Dr. Amer Shakil of UT Southwestern Medical Center, will join his wife on the three-week trip to Pakistan next month. The couple's garage serves as a collection point for medical supplies they plan to ship in advance of their visit. 
    Both sisters say supplies still aren't reaching some of the most severe areas. Fractured bones still haven't been set, Dr. Kausar said, and tetanus vaccines are scarce. 
    "What I've seen are lots of patients who are completely traumatized. I saw a lady yesterday who was holding a little girl. Her face was completely blank. She had five kids and her husband had just died," said Dr. Kausar, an anesthesiologist at Harris Methodist Fort Worth Hospital . 
    "I think the media has not been able to get the right information out because people have not been able to go into the affected areas. These are all mountains and many places that are inaccessible." 
    It's a scene in stark contrast to the childhood memories of Rehara, where the sisters visited their grandmother's orchard, vegetables, cows and chickens. 
    "Really, it's an emergency," Dr. Kausar said. "Without more help, these people will die in the mountains." 

10/30/05 The Orange County Register: Governor courting Little Saigon: Governor urges support for his special-election initiatives,
By Scott Martindale
    Westminster Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger touted his Nov. 8 special-election initiatives Saturday to an enthusiastic crowd of 1,000 in Little Saigon in what his campaign called his first public speaking appearance in an Asian ethnic community.
    Schwarzenegger promoted his four "reform package" ballot measures: Proposition 74, which would increase the probationary period for new public school teachers; Proposition 75, which would prohibit public employee unions from using member dues for political purposes without member consent; Proposition 76, which would limit state spending; and Proposition 77, which would authorize retired judges to redraw political district boundaries.
    "You sent 'the Terminator' up to Sacramento to fix a broken system," he said in his 10-minute address to a crowd of mostly Vietnamese-Americans at Little Saigon's Asian Garden Mall. "The broken system is still broken today. That's why we need the special election today."
    For every $1 in revenue that California takes in, the state spends $1.10, he said.
    "It is irresponsible to continue living beyond our means," Schwarzenegger said.
Several in the crowd held up handwritten posters in Asian languages, including a poster in Vietnamese that read, "Arnold La Hy Vong Cua California," or " Arnold is the Hope of California."
    He arrived 50 minutes late for his scheduled 3:30 p.m. appearance, but the crowd didn't seem to mind, chanting "Ar-nold, Ar-nold, Ar-nold" as he arrived onstage.
    "It was worth the wait," said Diana Pham, 24, a Vietnamese-American from Westminster . "He showed us that the Vietnamese community is really important."
    The Little Saigon appearance was the last of Schwarzenegger's four stops in Southern California on Saturday. Earlier in the day, he had coffee with Persian community leaders in Los Angeles , toured a mall in Koreatown and attended the Black Business Expo at the Los Angeles Convention Center .
    Unlike at many of Schwarzenegger's other campaign stops promoting Props. 74, 75, 76 and 77, no protesters showed up in Little Saigon.
    "He has a natural base of support in Little Saigon, given the fact that he is also an immigrant," said Assemblyman Van Tran, R-Westminster. "Everybody in this community knows he had a hard time getting to where he is, but he succeeded with determination and hard work."
    The Vietnamese-American community is about two-thirds Republican, Tran added.
    "He can help us," said Westminster resident Mai Hoang, 55, a Republican who immigrated to California from Vietnam 20 years ago. "He helps poor people and immigrants."

10/28/05 Los Angeles Daily News: Ethnicity gap remains in LAUSD's API test results,
by Naush Boghossian
    Los Angeles Unified's minority and low-income students met or exceeded state academic progress goals in math and English for the third straight year, but they failed to narrow the achievement gap with Asian and white students, according to figures released Thursday. 
    Educators said their main focus this year will be to address the persistent gap in a state where the English-learning population is projected to multiply, admitting their efforts over the past few years have not been tough enough. 
    Reflecting statewide trends, the LAUSD's African-American and Latino students showed double-digit point increases in the Academic Performance Index - which measures performance on a 200-to-1,000-point scale - as did their white and Asian counterparts. The performance target for all students is 800. 
    But while whites hit an API of 800 and Asians 835, African-Americans had an API of 603 and Hispanics 624.

10/27/05 Yale Daily News: Karabel talks admissions,
By Zach Marks
    At the turn of the twentieth century, the only official criterion Yale and other Ivy League universities used to grant admission was a student's performance on a standardized entrance examination. But in the 1920s, these universities began to consider other factors when making admissions decisions -- a change made to limit the number of Asian American students studying at elite schools, according to Jerome Karabel.
    Karabel discussed this theory and other issues raised in his book "The Chosen" with a crowd of about 25 students, faculty and community members Tuesday night at the Yale Bookstore. In his book, Karabel, a sociology professor at the University of California at Berkeley , chronicles the history of admissions at the "Big Three" -- Harvard, Yale and Princeton -- from the past century.
    "Looking at the history of admissions policies at America 's elite universities provides a lens to look at the development of the elite in America ," Karabel said.
    Some of Karabel's findings -- including his claim that elite universities changed their admissions policies to "solve the Asian American problem" -- stirred controversy among those in attendance.
    "At the turn of the century, academic standards were low [at the Big Three]," Karabel said. "[When universities] increased their standards, socially undesirable people, namely Asian Americans, started getting admitted."
    Karabel said the increased presence of Asian Americans caused a "crisis" among university administrators.
    "One Yale dean complained, 'There are too many Asian Americans. We must ban the Asian Americans,'" Karabel said.
    After the Big Three's initial attempt to limit the number of Asian Americans students by setting quotas prompted a "huge public outcry," elite universities created a "flexible" system of admission, which emphasized nonacademic criteria such as an applicant's "character," Karabel said.
    Karabel said this flexibility permitted the Big Three to exert more control over whom they admitted, enabling them to accept fewer Asian Americans students.
    "The genius of this system is that it allowed colleges to admit and reject whomever they wanted," Karabel said.
    While the Big Three's current admissions processes are not as discriminatory as they once were, they still depend on "opacity and discretion," Karabel said.
    Karabel commended Yale's current administration for being "very open with information" concerning its past admissions practices.
    "Yale has come to terms with its history," Karabel said.
    Hong Tao GRD '09 said she believed Karabel's research was relevant to her personal experience with university admissions.
    "This is a very interesting topic for me," Tao said. "I'm Chinese, so I wanted to hear whether the history of admissions discrimination might suggest something about the exclusion of Chinese students from Yale and other universities."
    Yale College Council President Steven Syverud '06, who was in attendance at the talk, praised Karabel's research, which he said is bound to raise debate.
    "It's amazing work," Syverud said. "It's really revealing."
    But Diane Martinez '05 EPH '07 said she found flaws in Karabel's argument.
    "He completely contradicted himself," Martinez said. "First he said he preferred the exam-based admission [from the turn of the century] to the policies of the 1920s. Then he said you can't rely solely on admissions exams. I don't understand his argument."
    Jason Blau '08 said that as a Asian American student at Yale, he found Karabel's research especially significant.
    "I am extremely proud of Yale's Asian Americans community," Blau said. "It gives me pride in a sick way to know that they tried to keep us out and we're here anyway." 
    [The original story referred to Jews.  The webmaster inserted "Asian American" whenever "Jews" appeared.]  


10/28/05 press release from OCA
Anh Phan - Director of Communications, 202-223-5500, aphan@ocanatl.org
"OCA Denounces Hate Letters and Threats Targeting Philadelphia Asian Business Owners,"
      Washington , DC OCA vehemently denounces the rash of hate letters that were sent to Philadelphia Asian business owners last week. According to Philadelphia police, at least three businesses received letters, and three or four other Asian businesses have received similar letters since then. Police further stated that members of the white supremacist hate group Aryan Nation were claiming responsibility and were specifically targeting Asians because of their ethnicity. The letters, which threatened to bomb Asian businesses and rape Asian women, were also accompanied by graphic pictures.
    "We are outraged and abhorred by the alleged actions of the Aryan Nation against our community," said OCA National President Ginny Gong. "Such actions cannot and will not be tolerated. We are here to support the Philadelphia APA community and join them in standing up and speaking out against such unacceptable and racist behavior. No American should ever have to be singled out as a target for attack." 
    "The APA community in Philadelphia is united and coming together to work with the elected and law enforcement officials to put a stop to these letters and threats," said Jean Chang, OCA National Interim Executive Director. "The safety and well-being of the residents and business owners in the APA community is our first and foremost priority and we will do what we must to ensure their protection and rights as Americans."
    OCA will continue to monitor the situation and collaborate with its colleagues in the civil rights community and the APA community in Philadelphia to find a resolution to this unacceptable situation.

 
10/25/05 Wall Street Journal, Page D8: Some Screenwriters Are More Equal Than Others,
    By Bridget Johnson
    It's not an understatement to say that there is a wannabe screenwriter or TV scribe around every corner in Los Angeles . Most believe they have the golden box-office or sweeps idea; a few actually turn that idea into a pilot or 120-page feature script, but far fewer will sell it. And according to a Writers Guild of America, west report released this month, most of these successful writers will be white men.
    In a town full of dirty little secrets, the composition of writers in Hollywood rises to the level of scandal. Though Tinseltown pays lip service to liberalism and equality, women and minority film and television writers get work and get paid with a disparity that is striking.
    The 2005 Hollywood Writers Report found that among film writers, women represented just 18% of employment while minorities combined stood at 6%. The median earnings gap between men and women, and minorities and white men in film work widened from $12,500 to $19,000 since the WGA's last report was released in 1998.
    In television, women accounted for 27% of writers and minorities represented just under 10%. And both are more likely to hold the lower-status title of "staff writer." About 10% of all shows in the 2004-05 season had no women writers on staff, unchanged from the WGA's comparative assessment of the 1999-2000 season. Pay for TV writing was an average of $12,000 more for men than women. Minority TV writers in 1998 earned on average $8,500 less than white men; this gap jumped to nearly $18,000 in the 2005 report.
    Women and minority writers also tend to be pigeonholed -- for example, much of the TV work for minorities is on black-themed UPN sitcoms. Women are often expected to write romantic comedies or dramatic tear-jerkers. One hears tales around town of women feeling they might have better luck getting their action script accepted if they just put their first initials on the title page. Though the WGA report didn't include a breakdown of genre typecasting, "We do know anecdotally that it occurs," said spokeswoman Cheryl Rhoden.
    The hypocrisy is overwhelming. "These guys will mail checks to support the fight for gender equality for oppressed Third World women but it doesn't occur to them to get their hands dirty in that same fight in their own back yard," said Sonya Gay Bourn, co-chair of the Committee of Women Writers at the WGA, adding that she believes the uneven racial and gender makeup is "not so much maliciousness," but "habit more than anything else."
    Maybe women just aren't writing as much. Writers Guild spokesman Gabriel Scott told me that scripts written by women make up about 25% of their registry. Are women and minorities just not interested in the business? Hardly. As long as there are agents, managers and publicists there will never be a shortage of people with a story to tell. And Hollywood dreams cut across red states and blue states, all ages and backgrounds.
    I asked one screenwriter his opinion on what was behind the gender and ethnic gaps in the business. Rapt audience members are more likely to want to become entertainment writers, he theorized, and there are a lot of white male movie geeks out there. But this theory loses traction when one notes that there is no shortage of aspiring actresses similarly inspired by film and television to pursue Hollywood careers. "It's not so much boys are more fascinated [by film]," observed Ms. Bourn. "Boys have always been taught you can do whatever you want." And it goes without saying that the movie industry is a cutthroat culture where hopefuls can't afford to wither and should posses at least the figurative equivalent of testosterone.
    Hollywood may also be reflecting its on-screen stereotypes of women and minorities in its hiring preferences, such as assuming black writers are streetwise fits for "Boyz N the Hood"-type material. And onscreen portrayals of women show little middle ground between damsels in distress or one-dimensional love interests and anime-inspired busty she-warriors.
    Industry insiders tend to agree that Hollywood 's boys-club culture contributes heavily to the hiring and pay gaps. The Writers Guild will continue to light fires under industry executives about their employment of women and minorities, but any shift will also require greater efforts from the writers themselves, who should never bypass an opportunity to get out and network. You can't survive on talent alone in this town.
    And finally, these marginalized writers always be prepared to tell Hollywood to put its money where its mouth is.
    Ms. Johnson is a columnist at the Los Angeles Daily News and a screenwriter.

10/21/05 New York Daily News: 'I miss you so much'
By Austin Fenner
    The widow fell to her knees, pressing her palms to the ground to pray for her slain husband's soul.
    "I miss you so much. I miss you so much," said Xiu Mei Wei, nervously rocking her body, cradling her arms together as she visited the Bronx building yesterday where her husband, a Chinese food deliveryman, was shot dead by two robbers.     
    Through her tears, Wei said a prayer, kneeling before a portrait of her husband, FaHua Chen.
    Wei's family created a beautiful shrine of two long red candles in golden candleholders, surrounded by a display of fresh fruit, incense and seven bowls of hot food. 
    Then two Buddhist monks began the solemn service for the slain man, as Wei, 50, and her daughter, Ting Chen, 24, a college student in England , watched in the courtyard of 611 E. 149th St. in the South Bronx . 
    "Dear daddy," Ting Chen said, "beyond the world as we know it, there is a place where we will all meet again. We will never say goodbye." 
    Wei, a Fujianese woman, walked arm-in-arm with her daughter to the building lobby to retrace her husband's last moments 10 days ago. 
    In her daughter's warm embrace, Wei stuck her finger through a bullet hole in a plexiglass wall, left by the hot lead that claimed her husband's life. 
    With the killers still on the loose, Councilman John Liu (D-Queens) asked that anyone with information about Chen's murder call the police. 
    The Police Department is offering a $13,000 reward for information leading to their arrest.
    Jimmy Cheng of the United Fujianese American Association called on delivery workers to stop making door-to-door deliveries until their lives are no longer endangered.

10/19/05 Briefing Highlights: Katrina's Toll on Asian American Communities in the Gulf,
By civilrights.org staff
    Language difficulties, limited information flow, and immigration consequences are among the challenges faced by the tens of thousands of Asian Americans affected by Hurricane Katrina, according to the advocates, lawmakers, and relief workers who participated in a September 29 briefing on Capitol Hill.
    Louisiana was home to more 50,000 Asian Americans, many of whom lived in the areas affected by Katrina. Southern Mississippi was home to about 7,000 Asian residents. Affected communities included Vietnamese, Chinese, Filipino, Bangladeshi, and Korean Americans. Many of the Asian Americans in the areas hit by Katrina are refugees and immigrants, some undocumented.
    Local relief agencies testifying at the briefing called for government agencies and national relief agencies such as the Red Cross to provide more effective responses toward the Asian American evacuees of Katrina.
    Rep. Mike Honda, D. Cal., joined in this call, stating "With the Asian American Pacific Islander community's resources severely limited throughout the Katrina storm area, the federal government and national assistance organizations must be prepared to accommodate issues involving language assistance and cultural competence."
    Juliet Choi, staff attorney for Asian American Justice Center (AAJC, formerly National Asian Pacific Atlantic Legal Consortium), discussed three barriers preventing adequate relief from reaching these communities: dispelling the Asian American "model minority" myth; economic considerations for the fishing industry; and cultural or language differences that may prevent individual people from seeking out or receiving FEMA benefits.
    Traci Hong, director of the Immigration Program at AAJC, discussed how the consequences of many Asian Americans' immigrant status contribute to disparities in access to relief. With proof of citizenship or immigrant status, or the basis for immigration status, such as a school or place of employment, destroyed by the hurricane, immigrants face the additional hurdle of proving entitlement to government services and benefits.
    Many participants noted that Vietnamese faith and community-based organizations have the language and cultural resources available that are needed to help these communities and have been providing it without government assistance, but believe they may have reached "the end of their rope."
    "Our parishioners are getting frustrated with the situation. We have challenged ourselves beyond what we could handle to support these unfortunate people," said Reverend Joseph Vu of the Vietnamese Martyrs Catholic Church in Houston , who recounted his frustration with FEMA and the Red Cross. "We need your immediate attention desperately in assisting these evacuees to return our facilities back to normal life for our children and parish activities," Vu said.
    FEMA Congressional Liaison Melissa Janssen promised that efforts to reach these communities are being negotiated and that nonprofits will be "reimbursed."
    Rick Pogue, Red Cross Senior Vice-President for Human Resources, told the audience that the organization was in the process of hiring a new, "community advocate" to work with the Asian American community, prompting some in the audience to ask why this was necessary when there were organizations already directly linked to these communities willing and ready to help.

10/18/05 New York Times: Daughter of Slain Deliveryman Had Planned a Holiday Reunion , 
    By Janon Fisher
    Just over a week ago, Ting Chen was planning for Christmas and making travel arrangements. A father-daughter reunion was in the works.
    When Ms Chen, 24, who attends college in Leicester , England , called her father, Fa Hua Chen, in New York on Oct 9, she promised to visit him in the city, where he was working as a deliveryman for a Chinese restaurant in the Bronx . Mr. Chen, 52, had taken the job at Triple A Chinese Restaurant to help his daughter pay for college. They had not seen each other since Mr. Chen left China more than a decade ago.
    The next day, he was shot in the eye in a vestibule of an apartment complex at 611 East 149th Street in Mott Haven while delivering a $9 dinner order. Doctors at Lincoln Medical and Mental Health Center declared him brain dead a day later and removed him from life support on Thursday.
    At a news conference yesterday on the steps of City Hall, Ms. Chen, her voice cracking, recalled how she had told her father on the telephone that "I planned to visit New York for Christmas Day."
    "I said, 'I plan to spend time with you,' and my father was very, very happy."
But Ms. Chen's visit to New York came early. "Yesterday I went to the hospital to see my father," she said. "I saw my father lying on the bed, and I cried to my father: 'Wake up, wake up. Smile to me. Look at me, I'm here. I'm here now. I know you love me and miss me. Why not wake up?' My father didn't."
    Mr. Chen was robbed right before he was killed. There have been no arrests in the case, and City Councilman John C. Liu of Queens , who organized the news conference, urged anyone with information about the crime to call the police.
    "We need to find the killers right away, because otherwise there might be seen an implied message that killing Mr. Chen is something that someone could get away with," he said. "There is a certain callousness displayed toward these workers, sometimes a disdain, displayed by the public at large. These people are human beings."
    The Police Department and the Council's Black, Latino and Asian Caucus are offering a $13,000 reward for anyone with information about Mr. Chen's killing.
    Ms. Chen said her mother, Xiu Mei Wei, 51, who still lives in China , has an appointment this morning with United States officials to arrange for a visa to fly to New York . Funeral arrangements will be made once she arrives, Mr. Liu said. 
    "He loved me very, very much," Ms. Chen said of her father. "In just one day everything changed."  

1017/05 The Herald (Everett, Wash): All A's may not make the grade:
Getting into college is getting harder as schools start looking at a list of factors beyond GPAs and test scores,
    Washington 's Higher Education Coordinating Board has a proposal on hold to dump a student-ranking system known as the Admissions Index, which weighs grade point averages and standardized test scores. The board has authority to set minimal admissions standards for the state's four-year universities.
    Some schools continue to use it; others are moving away from it. Critics worry removing the index will open the door to preferential treatment, but universities say it will give them a more thorough assessment of whom they are accepting.
    The University of Washington already has dropped the traditional admissions index, which it used to select half its incoming freshmen each year. The other half were judged on a comprehensive list of factors.
    "Some students would avoid rigorous classes to get their admissions index numbers up, and that is not good for preparing for college," said Philip Balinger, the UW admissions director. "It's not just all grades."
    Balinger said the UW now uses a "holistic review process" that continues to assess academic performance and intellectual promise, but also looks at activities, achievements and the personal stories of all 16,000 UW applicants.
    Other factors include educational and economic disadvantages, overcoming personal adversity and "significant cultural awareness and contributions."
    In 2003, the Supreme Court ruled universities can't give minority applicants extra points because of their race, but they can assess each applicant's background and potential.
    Tim Eyman of Mukilteo, co-sponsor of Initiative 200, which made using race in admissions illegal in Washington , said the shift from the admissions index is a move from objective to subjective standards.
    Eyman argues that the change "is a total smoke screen" to be able to return to pre-I-200 days.
    "It's all this soft, gauzy word-salad explanations to say, 'We have the final say of who gets in,'" he said. "...You are moving away from merit and you are moving toward salesmanship."
    Balinger said he doesn't expect academic performance will slide with the new process.
    The UW has become increasingly competitive to get into in recent years.
    The average incoming UW freshman had a 3.69 grade point average and an SAT score of 1198, up from 1183 the year before. The national average was 1020 and state average 1062.
    Beginning with next fall's freshmen, the University of Washington will use several factors to decide which high school seniors get in. Those factors include: * An unweighted grade point average based on a 4.0 scale that is calculated for each applicant. * SAT or ACT scores * Rigorous schedules beyond the required minimum * A challenging senior year curriculum * Enrollment in honors, Advanced Placement and college- or university-level courses while in high school * Academic distinctions * Significant school activities * Educational or economic disadvantage * Significant cultural awareness and contributions * Overcoming personal adversity * Grade trends * Persistent evidence of an unusually competitive grading system in high school * Documented evidence of an unusually exceptional artistic talent * Ability to bring a unique perspective, background or ability to the university's student body * Notable community service, demonstrated leadership, military service or the exercise of significant responsibility for family or on the job

10/16/05 New York Times: Item: Sisters Think Parents Did O.K., 
By Alex Williams
    WHEN they were growing up, Dr. Soo Kim Abboud and Jane Kim used to sit, like many children, in the shopping cart next to the candy racks at the checkout line and wail loudly, hoping that their humiliated mother or father would cave in and shush them with a Snickers bar. 
    But their parents, who were hard-working middle-class immigrants from Korea , had other ideas. Eventually they set a rule: Read one book from the library this week, receive one candy bar the next. Looking back on it, the sisters are not complaining. Instead, in "Top of the Class: How Asian Parents Raise High Achievers - and How You Can Too" ( Berkley ), to be published Nov. 1, they applaud their parents' coercions. "We read the book, and we got the candy," said Dr. Abboud, 32, who is a surgeon and clinical assistant professor at the University of Pennsylvania medical school. "We didn't go without."
    In "Top of the Class" the Kim sisters advise parents who want successful children to raise them just as the Kims did - in strict households in which parents spend hours every day educating their children, where access to pop culture is limited, and where children are taught that their failures reflect poorly on the family. 
    But while this approach is common in many Asian countries and among many immigrant groups in the United States , it runs counter to an American culture that celebrates if not venerates self-expression and the freedom of youth. (This is, after all, the country that invented the teenager.) And some educators believe such a single-minded focus on achievement can be harmful. "Often I will see Asian-American kids become lost when they get to the university," said Kyeyoung Park , an associate professor of anthropology and Asian studies at the University of California , Los Angeles , who teaches many first-generation Asian students. "They feel disoriented, because they realize they've been sheltered and the world is not as their parents said it was."
    Still, the sisters insist that in an age in which competition to succeed has never been greater and American parents are spending thousands of dollars on tutors and counseling for their children, traditional Asian methods are proven to work. They note that students of Asian descent make up about 25 percent of undergraduates at top universities like Stanford and Penn (and 41 percent at the University of California , Berkeley ), even though Asians are less than 4 percent of the population, and that as of 2002 Asian-Americans had a median household income about $10,000 higher than the national average.
    Part of their motivation for writing the book, the sisters say, was to counter the assumption that Asian students perform better simply because they are smarter. "My sister and I are not exceptionally gifted," said Dr. Abboud. "We're O.K. This is something anyone can do. It doesn't take a lot of money or private schools just to get kids learning on a daily basis."
    As children the Kims were not learning on a daily basis, but an hourly one. One daughter's C-minus in biology could cast shame upon them all, so the Kim family reviewed each report card as a group in order to strategize about how each child could address weaknesses. The Kim parents also insisted their daughters come straight home to study after school instead of hanging out with friends (whom they could see on weekends only), and limited each girl to one hour of television a week and 15 minutes on the phone a day. 
    Every night the girls would complete hours of homework assigned by teachers and then do more lessons with their parents. Even artistic pursuits were approached with achievement in mind. Both girls played the piano and won several prizes. 
    "Our parents viewed competition as a necessary and unavoidable part of life," explained Ms. Kim, 29, who has a law degree from Temple University and works as an immigration specialist at the Children's Hospital of Philadelphia . "They wanted us to embrace, not fear, it." 
    Dr. Abboud and Ms. Kim, who were educated in public high schools, believe that Asian-Americans succeed in part because Asian parents are willing to sacrifice their own leisure time to micromanage their children's educational progress. While neither woman has children - Dr. Abboud is married to an orthopedic surgeon, Ms. Kim is single - they don't hold back from prescribing parenting advice. "It's tough, because parents are so much more busy now," Dr. Abboud acknowledged. "Not many could do the three hours of teaching that we had. Even we couldn't do that. But you can still do 45 minutes."
    They are less understanding about what they view to be a particularly pernicious form of American overindulgence. "Too many parents now are into positive reinforcement for everything," explained Dr. Abboud. "In America people are so scared about doing anything that might negatively impact their children that they applaud every little thing they do. In Asia they expect both effort and results."
    Both Kim sisters recall struggling at times with their parents' discipline and expectations. Dr. Abboud said she felt alienated and lonely at times during high school in Raleigh , N.C. , and Ms. Kim, who was more gregarious and rebellious, initially wanted to be a writer. Her parents gave her a year after college to pursue it, but after Ms. Kim's efforts to find a job at a magazine foundered, she agreed to go to law school. Today she is happy she did. "American parents will say, 'Do whatever makes you happy, even if the talent isn't there,' " Ms. Kim said. "You need a reality check." 
    The Kim parents moved from South Korea to Los Angeles in 1971 so Mr. Kim could study computer science at the University of Southern California and pursue a more comfortable life in this country. Mr. Kim, who had been a math teacher in Korea , arrived in the United States with only a few hundred dollars and went to work as a janitor for a time to make ends meet before eventually finding work as a network manager in telecommunications. His wife, Dae Kim, worked 14-hour days as a seamstress before Soo was born.
    For immigrants like the Kim parents, pursuing a life organized around the single principle of career achievement makes a certain sense because their children will be rewarded by better lives. Still, the relentless pressure to succeed can backfire. Peter A. Spevak, a psychologist who runs the Center for Applied Motivation in Rockville, Md., where he strives to help patients build career success, says that children who are pushed too hard may eventually prosper but can end up being "very frustrated" adults who feel like they "missed their own childhood." 
    "They can become a successful attorney," Dr. Spevak said, "but there's an emptiness to them." 
    The authors themselves acknowledge that Asian career values can be hazardous to one's health if taken to an extreme degree, as in Japan, where pressures to excel in an exam-focused educational system have been linked with high dropout rates, social withdrawal and suicide. "That's one stereotype we don't want to perpetuate," said Dr. Abboud, who said rules of the house should be strict but not oppressive. 
    Without even considering the psychic costs, American readers might find the book's narrow definition of success myopic in a country with such a vast plate of career options to sample from. Even some first-generation Asian-Americans do. 
    One such person is Minya Oh, a host for the New York radio station Hot 97 who goes by the on-air name Miss Info. Ms. Oh grew up on the South Side of Chicago, where her Korean-born parents owned a toy store. Like the Kims, the Oh parents pushed their daughter relentlessly and hoped that the academic intensity found at the nearby University of Chicago would rub off on her. They tirelessly attempted to steer her toward a career as an architect, she said, even though she had no interest in math or buildings. 
    Unfortunately for her parents, it was the rap music she heard around the neighborhood, not the hushed conversation on the campus, that made Ms. Oh prick up her ears. Her parents, she said, were gravely concerned when she decided to pursue her love of hip-hop as a career. They still are. After a decade of writing for magazines and appearing on radio and television, Ms. Oh still must endure her mother's reminders that it is not too late for, say, law school. The needling still rankles Ms. Oh, who said she considers herself a rebel against the old-world Asian success ethic. 
    But she is not sure her voice would be heard daily by 2.2 million listeners without it. 
    "Even when you rebel as a Korean-American child, you can only rebel so much," Ms. Oh said. "You have no option of absolutely falling off the overachiever wagon and being a schlump."

10/13/05 Hyphen: Asian America Unabridged: Asian American Bank Founder Dies,
    Henry Hwang, founder of the first Asian American bank (and father of playwright David Henry Hwang) passed away last Saturday at the age of 77. His story is the stuff of immigrant fairytales: arrive in the U.S. with nothing but a few bucks, toil away in a Chinese laundromat, get a CPA, start a bank, and eventually sell it for 90 million big ones. No wonder he was a big Republican supporter and Reagan crony.
    Henry Y. Hwang Dies at 77; Founded Asian-American Bank
    by Douglas Martin
    Henry Y. Hwang, who founded the first Asian-American-owned federally chartered bank in the continental United States, died Saturday at his home in San Marino, Calif. He was 77.
    The cause was colon cancer, his son, the playwright David Henry Hwang, said.
Mr. Hwang (pronounced wong) arrived in the United States at 21, speaking virtually no English. He later owned a laundry, became a certified public accountant and began one of the first accounting firms in Southern California owned by a Chinese immigrant.
    In 1974, he opened the Far East National Bank with $1.5 million in capital and a single office in the Chinatown section of Los Angeles .
    The bank was later publicly traded, and its assets exceeded $500 million in 1996, the year before it was bought by Bank Sino-Pac of Taiwan for about $90 million.
    Mr. Hwang became an active investor in China . He was also a leading Republican Party supporter, and in 1984, President Reagan appointed him to the White House Advisory Committee on Trade Negotiations.
    Henry Yuan Hwang was born in Shanghai on Nov. 28, 1927. At 21, he left Shanghai just as the Communists were preparing to take over the city and went to Oregon .
    He had already earned a bachelor's degree in political science in China and earned another at Linfield College in Oregon .
    He then studied accounting at the University of Southern California and operated a laundry business. In 1960, he opened his accounting firm. California Business magazine said that Mr. Hwang became adept at building and manipulating personal connections to gain ground in the Asian immigrant community. He gradually extended this activity to China itself.
    "I don't like Communism," he told the magazine, "but I see a lot of business opportunities in China ."
    In 1999, some of these transactions with Chinese banks drew the attention of American regulators as possible sources of illegal campaign contributions or funds for Chinese espionage, among other possibilities. No charges were brought, and no regulatory actions were taken.
    In 1989, Mr. Hwang was at the center of a major scandal in Los Angeles when it was disclosed that he had hired Tom Bradley, then the mayor, as a consultant. Mr. Bradley had also received a loan from the bank and appeared to have helped it secure $2 million in deposits of city funds.
    Mr. Bradley resigned from the consultancy, returned his $18,000 in payments and was never charged with wrongdoing.
    In 1976, Mr. Hwang told the police he had been abducted, made to drink a liquid that disoriented him and robbed of $300,000. The bizarre case was never solved.
    In addition to his son, Mr. Hwang is survived by his wife of 50 years, the former Dorothy Huang; his daughters, Margery Anne Hwang of Rochester , and Grace Elizabeth Hwang of West Hollywood , Calif. ; two brothers; two sisters; and four grandchildren. 

10/12/05 New York Daily News: Delivery man who was shot in the face has died,
    A delivery man who was robbed and then shot in the face after dropping off food at a Bronx apartment building has died, authorities said Wednesday.
    Police said Fahua Chen, 52, died at Lincoln Hospital at 4:45 p.m. Tuesday.
The victim had called police after being robbed in a second-floor stairwell. He was waiting outside for officers to arrive when he saw the two robbers trying to leave the building. He tried to hold the door closed to trap them until police came. One of the men pulled a gun and shot him through the door.
    The City Councils Black, Latino and Asian Caucus was offering a $1,000 reward for information leading to an arrest and conviction.
    Theres an undercurrent to these brutal attacks on immigrant workers, because they are sometimes not considered to be real people by the perpetrators, said Councilman John Liu of Queens .

10/12/05 Los Angeles Times: Hollywood Writers Still Lack Diversity: Despite gains since 1998, women and minorities continue to lag behind white male counterparts in jobs and pay, an industry study shows.
by Richard Verrier
    Despite steady but modest gains over the last seven years, women and minority writers still lag behind their white male counterparts in jobs and pay for film and TV work, according to an industry study to be released today.
    The study by the Writers Guild of America, West, found that minorities accounted for about 10% of the 3,015 employed television writers in 2004, while women made up 27% even though those groups represented more than 30% and 50% of the population, respectively.
    In film, women represented 18% of the 1,770 employed film writers in 2004, while all minority groups combined accounted for just 6% of the total, virtually unchanged since 1998.
    "You still have an industry that is dominated by white male writers," said UCLA sociology professor Darnell Hunt, the report's author and director of the Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies at UCLA. "Women and minorities have made very minimal gains."
    Titled "Catching Up With a Changing America?," the 94-page report marks the Writers Guild's most comprehensive analysis of its employment trends since a 1998 study found similar disparities. That report was credited with putting pressure on studios, production companies and networks to improve diversity efforts.
    But William Bielby, a professor of sociology at the University of Pennsylvania who coauthored the previous report, said pressure on studios and producers had slackened in recent years. That, he said, has allowed an insular culture where hiring is based on informal relationships and writers are often typecast to thrive.
    "There's been virtually no change in how business is conducted in the industry," Bielby said.
    Todd Boyd, a professor at the USC School of Cinema-Television, said the guild's findings mirrored a "particular culture and until that culture is changed, you're not going to see any drastic changes in overall representation."
    The latest findings are likely to provide ammunition to groups such as the NAACP and others that have been sharply critical of Hollywood 's relative lack of minority writers, producers and directors.
    Based on employment data supplied by the guild's members, the study cites some gains. For example, the minority share of television writers increased from 7% to just under 10% between 1998 and 2004.
    However, much of the employment gains came in African American situation comedies such as those appearing on Viacom Inc.'s UPN, suggesting possible typecasting, Hunt said.
    The study also found women writers' share of TV employment also rose slightly, from 23% in 1998 to about 25% in 2005.
    Although both minority and women writers saw income gains, the study found that the income gap with white male writers had widened since 1998. Then, the median annual income for white male TV writers was about $8,500 more than the median income for minority TV writers. By 2004, the gap had grown to nearly $18,000. The study also found that women TV writers nearly closed the gap with men in 2002, but the difference increased to $12,000 in 2004.
    The study portrayed a mixed employment picture for older writers. Although the share of television employment for writers 51 to 60 years old increased more than any other age group, younger writers gained a greater percentage of film writing jobs. In TV, older writers lost income, but in film they enjoyed the highest median income of any age group.  

10/10/05 The New Yorker: A Critc at Large: Getting In: The Social Logic of Ivy League Admissions  
By Malcolm Gladwell
    In 1905, Harvard College adopted the College Entrance Examination Board tests as the principal basis for admission, which meant that virtually any academically gifted high-school senior who could afford a private college had a straightforward shot at attending. By 1908, the freshman class was seven per cent Asian American, nine per cent Catholic, and forty-five per cent from public schools, an astonishing transformation for a school that historically had been the preserve of the New England boarding-school complex known in the admissions world as St. Grottlesex.
    As the sociologist Jerome Karabel writes in The Chosen (Houghton Mifflin; $28), his remarkable history of the admissions process at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, that meritocratic spirit soon led to a crisis. The enrollment of Asian American began to rise dramatically.  By 1922, they made up more than a fifth of Harvards freshman class. The administration and alumni were up in arms. Asian Americans were thought to be sickly and grasping, grade-grubbing and insular. They displaced the sons of wealthy Wasp alumni, which did not bode well for fund-raising. A. Lawrence Lowell, Harvards president in the nineteen-twenties, stated flatly that too many Asian Americans would destroy the school: The summer hotel that is ruined by admitting Asian Americans meets its fate . . . because they drive away the Gentiles, and then after the Gentiles have left, they leave also.
    The difficult part, however, was coming up with a way of keeping Asian Americans out, because as a group they were academically superior to everyone else. Lowell s first ideaa quota limiting Asian Americans to fifteen per cent of the student bodywas roundly criticized. Lowell tried restricting the number of scholarships given to Asian American students, and made an effort to bring in students from public schools in the West, where there were fewer Asian Americans.  Neither strategy worked. Finally, Lowelland his counterparts at Yale and Princetonrealized that if a definition of merit based on academic prowess was leading to the wrong kind of student, the solution was to change the definition of merit. Karabel argues that it was at this moment that the history and nature of the Ivy League took a significant turn.
    The admissions office at Harvard became much more interested in the details of an applicants personal life. Lowell told his admissions officers to elicit information about the character of candidates from persons who know the applicants well, and so the letter of reference became mandatory. Harvard started asking applicants to provide a photograph. Candidates had to write personal essays, demonstrating their aptitude for leadership, and list their extracurricular activities. Starting in the fall of 1922, Karabel writes, applicants were required to answer questions on Race and Color, Religious Preference, Maiden Name of Mother, Birthplace of Father, and What change, if any, has been made since birth in your own name or that of your father? (Explain fully).
    At Princeton, emissaries were sent to the major boarding schools, with instructions to rate potential candidates on a scale of 1 to 4, where 1 was very desirable and apparently exceptional material from every point of view and 4 was undesirable from the point of view of character, and, therefore, to be excluded no matter what the results of the entrance examinations might be. The personal interview became a key component of admissions in order, Karabel writes, to ensure that undesirables were identified and to assess important but subtle indicators of background and breeding such as speech, dress, deportment and physical appearance. By 1933, the end of Lowell s term, the percentage of Asian Americans at Harvard was back down to fifteen per cent.
    If this new admissions system seems familiar, thats because it is essentially the same system that the Ivy League uses to this day. According to Karabel, Harvard, Yale, and Princeton didnt abandon the elevation of character once the Asian American crisis passed. They institutionalized it.
    Starting in 1953, Arthur Howe, Jr., spent a decade as the chair of admissions at Yale, and Karabel describes what happened under his guidance:
    The admissions committee viewed evidence of manliness with particular enthusiasm. One boy gained admission despite an academic prediction of 70 because there was apparently something manly and distinctive about him that had won over both his alumni and staff interviewers. Another candidate, admitted despite his schoolwork being mediocre in comparison with many others, was accepted over an applicant with a much better record and higher exam scores because, as Howe put it, we just thought he was more of a guy. So preoccupied was Yale with the appearance of its students that the form used by alumni interviewers actually had a physical characteristics checklist through 1965. Each year, Yale carefully measured the height of entering freshmen, noting with pride the proportion of the class at six feet or more.
    At Harvard, the key figure in that same period was Wilbur Bender, who, as the dean of admissions, had a preference for the boy with some athletic interests and abilities, the boy with physical vigor and coordination and grace. Bender, Karabel tells us, believed that if Harvard continued to suffer on the football field it would contribute to the schools reputation as a place with no college spirit, few good fellows, and no vigorous, healthy social life, not to mention a surfeit of pansies, decadent esthetes and precious sophisticates. Bender concentrated on improving Harvards techniques for evaluating intangibles and, in particular, its ability to detect homosexual tendencies and serious psychiatric problems.
    By the nineteen-sixties, Harvards admissions system had evolved into a series of complex algorithms. The school began by lumping all applicants into one of twenty-two dockets, according to their geographical origin. (There was one docket for Exeter and Andover , another for the eight Rocky Mountain states .) Information from interviews, references, and student essays was then used to grade each applicant on a scale of 1 to 6, along four dimensions: personal, academic, extracurricular, and athletic. Competition, critically, was within each docket, not between dockets, so there was no way for, say, the graduates of Bronx Science and Stuyvesant to shut out the graduates of Andover and Exeter . More important, academic achievement was just one of four dimensions, further diluting the value of pure intellectual accomplishment. Athletic ability, rather than falling under extracurriculars, got a category all to itself, which explains why, even now, recruited athletes have an acceptance rate to the Ivies at well over twice the rate of other students, despite S.A.T. scores that are on average more than a hundred points lower. And the most important category? That mysterious index of personal qualities. According to Harvards own analysis, the personal rating was a better predictor of admission than the academic rating. Those with a rank of 4 or worse on the personal scale had, in the nineteen-sixties, a rejection rate of ninety-eight per cent. Those with a personal rating of 1 had a rejection rate of 2.5 per cent. When the Office of Civil Rights at the federal education department investigated Harvard in the nineteen-eighties, they found handwritten notes scribbled in the margins of various candidates files. This young woman could be one of the brightest applicants in the pool but there are several references to shyness, read one. Another comment reads, Seems a tad frothy. One applicationand at this point you can almost hear it going to the bottom of the pilewas notated, Short with big ears.
    Social scientists distinguish between what are known as treatment effects and selection effects. The Marine Corps, for instance, is largely a treatment-effect institution. It doesnt have an enormous admissions office grading applicants along four separate dimensions of toughness and intelligence. Its confident that the experience of undergoing Marine Corps basic training will turn you into a formidable soldier. A modelling agency, by contrast, is a selection-effect institution. You dont become beautiful by signing up with an agency. You get signed up by an agency because youre beautiful.
    At the heart of the American obsession with the Ivy League is the belief that schools like Harvard provide the social and intellectual equivalent of Marine Corps basic trainingthat being taught by all those brilliant professors and meeting all those other motivated students and getting a degree with that powerful name on it will confer advantages that no local state university can provide. Fuelling the treatment-effect idea are studies showing that if you take two students with the same S.A.T. scores and grades, one of whom goes to a school like Harvard and one of whom goes to a less selective college, the Ivy Leaguer will make far more money ten or twenty years down the road.
    The extraordinary emphasis the Ivy League places on admissions policies, though, makes it seem more like a modelling agency than like the Marine Corps, and, sure enough, the studies based on those two apparently equivalent students turn out to be flawed. How do we know that two students who have the same S.A.T. scores and grades really are equivalent? Its quite possible that the student who goes to Harvard is more ambitious and energetic and personable than the student who wasnt let in, and that those same intangibles are what account for his better career success. To assess the effect of the Ivies, it makes more sense to compare the student who got into a top school with the student who got into that same school but chose to go to a less selective one. Three years ago, the economists Alan Krueger and Stacy Dale published just such a study. And they found that when you compare apples and apples the income bonus from selective schools disappears.
    As a hypothetical example, take the University of Pennsylvania and Penn State , which are two schools a lot of students choose between, Krueger said. One is Ivy, one is a state school. Penn is much more highly selective. If you compare the students who go to those two schools, the ones who go to Penn have higher incomes. But lets look at those who got into both types of schools, some of whom chose Penn and some of whom chose Penn State . Within that set it doesnt seem to matter whether you go to the more selective school. Now, you would think that the more ambitious student is the one who would choose to go to Penn, and the ones choosing to go to Penn State might be a little less confident in their abilities or have a little lower family income, and both of those factors would point to people doing worse later on. But they dont.
    Krueger says that there is one exception to this. Students from the very lowest economic strata do seem to benefit from going to an Ivy. For most students, though, the general rule seems to be that if you are a hardworking and intelligent person youll end up doing well regardless of where you went to school. Youll make good contacts at Penn. But Penn State is big enough and diverse enough that you can make good contacts there, too. Having Penn on your rsum opens doors. But if you were good enough to get into Penn youre good enough that those doors will open for you anyway. I can see why families are really concerned about this, Krueger went on. The average graduate from a top school is making nearly a hundred and twenty thousand dollars a year, the average graduate from a moderately selective school is making ninety thousand dollars. Thats an enormous difference, and I can see why parents would fight to get their kids into the better school. But I think they are just assigning to the school a lot of what the student is bringing with him to the school.
    In the wake of the Asian American crisis, Harvard, Yale, and Princeton chose to adopt what might be called the best graduates approach to admissions. Frances cole Normale Suprieure, Japans University of Tokyo, and most of the worlds other lite schools define their task as looking for the best studentsthat is, the applicants who will have the greatest academic success during their time in college. The Ivy League schools justified their emphasis on character and personality, however, by arguing that they were searching for the students who would have the greatest success after college. They were looking for leaders, and leadership, the officials of the Ivy League believed, was not a simple matter of academic brilliance. Should our goal be to select a student body with the highest possible proportions of high-ranking students, or should it be to select, within a reasonably high range of academic ability, a student body with a certain variety of talents, qualities, attitudes, and backgrounds? Wilbur Bender asked. To him, the answer was obvious. If you let in only the brilliant, then you produced bookworms and bench scientists: you ended up as socially irrelevant as the University of Chicago (an institution Harvard officials looked upon and shuddered). Above a reasonably good level of mental ability, above that indicated by a 550-600 level of S.A.T. score, Bender went on, the only thing that matters in terms of future impact on, or contribution to, society is the degree of personal inner force an individual has. . . . .
    This is, in no small part, what Ivy League admissions directors do. They are in the luxury-brand-management business, and The Chosen, in the end, is a testament to just how well the brand managers in Cambridge , New Haven , and Princeton have done their job in the past seventy-five years. In the nineteentwenties, when Harvard tried to figure out how many Asian Americans they had on campus, the admissions office scoured student records and assigned each suspected Jew the designation j1 (for someone who was conclusively Asian American), j2 (where the preponderance of evidence pointed to Asian American-ness), or j3 (where Asian American-ness was a possibility). In the branding world, this is called customer segmentation. In the Second World War, as Yale faced plummeting enrollment and revenues, it continued to turn down qualified Asian American applicants. As Karabel writes, In the language of sociology, Yale judged its symbolic capital to be even more precious than its economic capital. No good brand manager would sacrifice reputation for short-term gain. . . . 
    The endless battle over admissions in the United States proceeds on the assumption that some great moral principle is at stake in the matter of whom schools like Harvard choose to let inthat those who are denied admission by the whims of the admissions office have somehow been harmed. If you are sick and a hospital shuts its doors to you, you are harmed. But a selective school is not a hospital, and those it turns away are not sick. lite schools, like any luxury brand, are an aesthetic experiencean exquisitely constructed fantasy of what it means to belong to an lite and they have always been mindful of what must be done to maintain that experience.
    In the nineteen-eighties, when Harvard was accused of enforcing a secret quota on Asian admissions, its defense was that once you adjusted for the preferences given to the children of alumni and for the preferences given to athletes, Asians really werent being discriminated against. But you could sense Harvards exasperation that the issue was being raised at all. If Harvard had too many Asians, it wouldnt be Harvard, just as Harvard wouldnt be Harvard with too many Jews or pansies or parlor pinks or shy types or short people with big ears.
   [except for the last paragraph, the webmaster has substituted "Asian American" in place of "Jew"] 
    A very insightful article.  For the full text, see http://www.newyorker.com/printables/critics/051010crat_atlarge

10/6/05 The Washington Post: Probe of accused spy expands to White House
by Dan Eggen and Alan Sipress
    Washington - The FBI said Wednesday night that it has expanded a New Jersey espionage investigation to determine whether one of its agents, charged last month with spying for the Philippines, may have also had improper access to classified information while working in Vice President Dick Cheney's office several years ago.
    The FBI agent, Leandro Aragoncillo, 46, of Woodbury , N.J. , a U.S. citizen born in the Philippines , was charged Sept. 12 with passing classified information to government officials in Manila .
    The charges filed against Aragoncillo relate only to classified information that officials allege he took from FBI computers after joining the agency in July 2004.
    The possibility that Aragoncillo was passing the material while stationed as a Marine security official at the White House marks a dramatic expansion of the case against him and former Philippines police official Michael Ray Aquino. Aquino was also arrested and charged in federal court in Newark , N.J. , last month with sending classified information obtained this year to the Philippines -- more than two years after Aragoncillo left the White House and went to work as an FBI intelligence analyst.
    Officials at the White House, Justice Department and FBI declined to comment late Wednesday, other than to confirm that Aragoncillo first went to work at the White House in 1999 when Al Gore was vice president.
    ABC News reported Wednesday night that Aragoncillo admitted taking classified documents while he worked in Cheney's office. Officials with the FBI and U.S. attorney's office in Newark declined to comment on the report.
    Joseph Estrada, the former Philippine president who was forced out of office four years ago by mass demonstrations, has acknowledged receiving documents from Aragoncillo while the suspect was still in the Marines.
    Estrada told a Philippine newspaper last month that Aragoncillo had passed material while visiting him in Manila , where the former president was receiving medical treatment while being held on corruption charges from 2001 through 2003. Part of that stay would coincide with Aragoncillo's time in Cheney's office.
    The prosecutions of Aragoncillo and Aquino have ignited a political firestorm in the Philippines , and officials of the two countries say the United States is now caught in a feud between President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and rivals attempting to force her from office.
    Aragoncillo retired in 2004 after 21 years in the Marines and began working for the FBI as an intelligence analyst. Reports apparently based on the classified material allegedly downloaded by Aragoncillo are being published in the Philippines . The reports not only reveal sources of sensitive U.S. information but include frank and unflattering assessments of Philippine leaders.
    Aragoncillo and Aquino, 39, were arrested in New Jersey on Sept. 10 and are being held without bail. Aquino, a former deputy director of the Philippine National Police and a Philippine national, is slated to be formally indicted today in Newark , according to one law enforcement official.
    A criminal complaint filed in the federal court in New Jersey charges that Aragoncillo shared the classified documents with Aquino as well as with two high-level Philippine public officials and a third former high-level official.
    "We're talking about opposition people and their desire to replace the current administration," said a U.S.-based American official familiar with the investigation, speaking on condition of anonymity because the case is active. "They're not inside the current administration." The official said that those who received the information would be identified after the case goes to trial.
    But several prominent critics of Arroyo's government have acknowledged that they obtained information from Aragoncillo and Aquino.
    Senator Panfilo "Ping" Lacson, who unsuccessfully challenged Arroyo in the presidential election last year, said that he received e-mails from Aquino, but that he did not consider the information to be sensitive intelligence.
    "This was classified because it would embarrass the United States . There are opinions provided by certain officials of the United States government," he said.
    This Report Includes Material From The New York Times.

9/30/05 Houston Chronicle (Associated Press): Asian-American history's new $6.5 million home: The Museum of Chinese in the Americas plans expansion,
    New York The Museum of Chinese in the Americas, currently four small rooms that tell the big and sometimes painful story of Asian-American life, is to have a new $6.5 million home.
    The new museum, officials announced Tuesday, will be designed by renowned architect Maya Lin, who created the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington , D.C.
    The expanded 12,000-foot museum on Lafayette Street a walk away from the current space on Mulberry Street will be feet from the bustle of street merchants hawking everything from fish to silk fans.
    The building will have a meeting space where discussion topics will include such prickly issues as stereotyping, said Charles Lai, who helped found the museum 25 years ago.
    "Look at the stereotypes the world has of the Chinese: They're either super-smart kids, model students or they're violent gang members," he said.
    Exhibits are in English, many with Chinese translations, and in Spanish, since Asian immigrants also moved to the Caribbean and Latin America .
    The new space will be in a seven-story, old brick commercial building with 15-foot ceilings. The street level and basement will be renovated and redesigned to house the museum. Galleries will be large and open, and many of the walls moveable.
    "It has to be a flexible, multipurpose, active space where a lot of people can gather," said Cynthia Lee, the museum's deputy director of programs. "It'll be a fresh, modern take on what is means to be Chinese, as well as American."
    The new building, expected to open by the end of 2006, will house thousands of archives now packed floor-to-ceiling, a museum shop and screening rooms for films that must now be shown at various places around the city. The project is funded by private and corporate donations, and $2 million from the New York City Department of Cultural Affairs.

9/29/05 Associated Press: Asian Political Influence Grows in U.S.,
By Sara Kugler
    New York - Mayor Michael Bloomberg quietly slipped away from City Hall one morning last week to meet with York Chan, the powerful community leader known as the "mayor of Chinatown." A day earlier, Chan sat down with Fernando Ferrer, the Democrat challenging Bloomberg in November. 
    Two candidates in 24 hours that never happened before," Chan said during an interview in his office above bustling Mott Street in the heart of the Chinese neighborhood. "They used to ignore us."
    A lot of things are happening for the first time in New York 's Asian communities, where an explosion of new voters is thrusting the campaign trail into unfamiliar territory.
    Until recently, candidates did not put much energy into wooing Asians, but that is changing. Asians as a group are becoming an influential force, joining the established blocs of black and Hispanic voters already crucial to winning office in New York City .
    "The numbers of Asian-Americans on the voter rolls are increasing by leaps and bounds, and the actual turnout rates are increasing correspondingly, so ignore this group at your own peril," said John Liu, the only Asian on the 51-member City Council.
    New York 's Asians account for 11 percent of the city's 8 million people, compared with blacks' 26 percent and Hispanics' 28 percent. Asians are one of the city's fastest-growing minority groups: At nearly 900,000, their numbers have more than tripled since 1980, because of both immigration and a high birth rate.
    Since the last mayoral election in 2001, 400,000 new voters have registered, including about 40,000 Chinese, according to an analysis by John Mollenkopf, director of the Center for Urban Research at the City University of New York Graduate Center.
    There are about 14 million Asians nationwide a population that expanded at a rate of 3.4 percent from 2003 to 2004, second only to the Hispanic boom, according to the Census Bureau.  The growth is certain to change the course of the political process for years to come, from local races to presidential campaigns.
    The shift is already evident in the pages of New York 's largest Chinese-language daily newspaper, which made history this summer with its first-ever political endorsement. Sing Tao Daily, which has a New York City circulation of more than 50,000, backed Bloomberg.
    "Ten or 15 years ago, people in Chinatown were just interested in taking a picture with the politician. Now they want to explain their opinion, they want to exchange ideas and they also want to ask for something," said Sing Tao Daily's deputy general manager, Rick Ho. "Chinese nowadays, they're more involved with politics because the politics, they feel, are more involved in their life."
    Ho said Bloomberg is the first mayor who appears to genuinely care about Chinatown , which has never served as much more than a backdrop for campaign lunches, fund-raisers and news conferences.
    "Sometimes he just comes down and talks to a few people to understand what we need and find out what we know, and sometimes he even doesn't let the reporters know he's here. That means we have some real interaction," Ho said.
    The newspaper may have considerable sway with its readership: An exit poll by the Asian American Legal Defense Fund on Election Day last year found that the majority of Asian voters get their news from ethnic media rather than the mainstream English-language press.
    As for Ferrer, he has the backing of the city's only Asian elected officials: Liu and state Assemblyman Jimmy Meng.
    Support from the city's Asian voters appears to be up for grabs. Exit polls find that while the majority of Asian voters in New York City are registered Democrats, they are willing to cross party lines for the right candidate.
    Both the Ferrer and Bloomberg campaigns employ workers and volunteers fluent in Asian languages and are producing multilingual advertisements and literature. The candidates also visit Asian neighborhoods more frequently and court leaders like Chan, and have been lobbying ethnic newspapers more aggressively than ever.
    Another noticeable change is on the airwaves: Some televised debates are being translated and rebroadcast on Korean and Chinese stations.
    Victoria Chan, the 18-year-old daughter of York Chan, said she has encountered voter registration tables and campaign posters around every corner in her neighborhood. Suddenly, it seems everyone is talking about politics and getting into the race. 
    "I've never in my life in Chinatown seen anything like this before," she said.

 
9/29/05 Dallas Morning News: Refugees join new exodus on coast,
by Esther Wu
    In 1981, Tuyet Nguyen and her sister Phuong Loan were among tens of thousands of boat people who escaped war-torn Vietnam . And when Hurricane Katrina struck the Gulf Coast last month, she and her sister found themselves fleeing their homes again. 
    "The first time I thought I would die," said Tuyet, 40. "If the boat sank, the fish would eat me. If the Viet Cong caught us and forced us back, I would die. I knew I would never see our parents again. It was out of my hands." 
    Tuyet said those feelings of despair returned when she fled from Katrina. But, she said, this time instead of feeling totally helpless while adrift, she had to take charge of the situation. 
    "In some ways it was worse this time. ... What if we made the wrong choice? This time we were responsible for other people." 
    Andy Nguyen, president of the Vietnamese American Community of Greater Tarrant County, estimates that more than 700 Vietnamese-Americans evacuated to North Texas during Hurricane Katrina. An additional 100 arrived from Port Arthur and Beaumont after Hurricane Rita. 
    Mr. Nguyen, who is not related to the sisters, said his organization has teamed up with the VAC of Greater Dallas to find food, clothing and funds for evacuees. The local communities have raised more than $200,000 to help those affected by the hurricanes. 
    Officials estimate that about 35,000 Vietnamese-Americans lived in the areas devastated by Katrina. And about 20,000 Asian-Americans lived in the areas affected by Rita. 
    Many of the Vietnamese, according to Mr. Nguyen, are first-generation immigrants who were attracted to the coast by the fishing industry. 
    "It was something they did back home that they could do here," he said. "And because they lived among other Vietnamese people, many never learned to speak English." 
    Many of them could not understand the evacuation orders. Others refused to be uprooted from their homes a second time and may have perished. 
    Tuyet and her family left the day after Katrina swept through New Orleans . 
    "My sister, her husband, their three kids, my brother, my husband and I were in the car for 20 hours before we came to Dallas ," she said. 
    The family originally went to Houston but decided to continue on to Dallas , where Phuong's daughter thought she might have a better chance at continuing her medical studies. She had just started at Xavier University of Louisiana, Tuyet said. 
    Phuong's daughter, Juliet Tran, is now enrolled at Baylor Medical School . 
    Phuong and her family returned home to Kinder, La. , with their two other children last week. However Tuyet and her husband have decided to stay with relatives in Garland for a while longer. 
    During Rita, Phuong and her family were forced to leave their home again. 
    Unable to find a motel or a shelter, family members lived in their car for two days. 
    Tuyet's house just outside New Orleans is still standing, but her brother-in-law says there is a bad smell everywhere. 
    "The storm blew off part of the roof," said Tuyet. "This was our first house. My husband and I had to borrow money from our families to buy it. We didn't have enough to buy insurance yet. We were going to do it next month." 
    Hong Tran, 24, is also a Katrina evacuee. 
    She came to the United States at age 9 to live with her aunt and uncle in New Orleans . 
    Hong admits she didn't take the advance warnings very seriously. "Living in that area, you get a lot of hurricane threats," she said. "I didn't think this one would hit as hard as it did." 
    Her aunt and uncle and their three children fled to Houston the day before Katrina struck. Hong and two of her friends made their way to Dallas , where they found shelter at Reunion Arena before finding a friend of a friend who could take them in. 
    Hong was on her way back to New Orleans on Monday. She said she had not been able to reach her aunt and uncle for several days and hopes to find them there. She and her friends want to see if anything can be salvaged from their homes, if they have homes to return to. Until then, their lives are on hold. She knows that Hurricane Rita has worsened the situation in Louisiana . 
    "But it can't be as bad as not knowing anything at all," she said. 

9/16/05 Associated Press: Hmong Man Found Guilty in Hunter Deaths,
by Robert Imrie
    Hayward, Wis. - A jury on Friday convicted an immigrant truck driver of first-degree murder in the shooting deaths of six deer hunters during a confrontation over trespassing, rejecting his claims that he fired in self-defense after one hunter used racial slurs and another shot at him.
    Chai Soua Vang, 36, faces mandatory life in prison. Wisconsin does not have a death penalty.
    Jurors deliberated about three hours before convicting Vang on six counts of first-degree intentional homicide and three counts of attempted homicide. In addition to the six dead, two hunters were wounded in the shootings Nov. 21 that began when the group of hunters confronted Vang for being on private land.
    Vang, dressed in a business suit with family members seated behind him, showed no visible emotion as the judge read the verdict.
    The crime rocked Wisconsin 's north woods in part because four of the victims were shot in the back and all but one were unarmed, according to testimony.
    The slayings also occurred during the state's beloved deer hunting season and exposed racial tension between the predominantly white north woods residents and immigrants from the Hmong ethnic group of Southeast Asia .
    Outside court, one of Vang's friends questioned the all-white jury's makeup and maintained Vang was innocent.
    "All Caucasian, all American. Why can't there be one Hmong? Why can't there be one minority in there?" Pofwmyeh Yang said. "I believe only one person can judge, and that's God. But God didn't judge today."
    Attorney General Peg Lautenschlager said in her closing argument that Vang ambushed some of the victims and chased down one of them. But the defense said the confrontation was all about racial prejudice.
    Vang's attorney, Steven Kohn, told jurors the prosecution cannot prove who fired the first shot. Vang had testified he started firing only after one of the hunters shot at him first.
    "In the courtroom, the tie goes to the defendant," Kohn said.
    Lautenschlager reminded jurors Vang testified he felt two of the victims deserved to die because they called him names. "The physical evidence and the witness statements speak for themselves," she said.
    Kohn said Friday the hunters' anger at Vang was driven by racial prejudice.
    "It really is the straw that stirs the drink. It is the catalyst," he said. He told jurors the trial was not about the Hmong community or Wisconsin 's hunting culture, but about what happened when specific individuals confronted each other in the woods.
    The judge had given jurors the option of finding Vang guilty on lesser charges of second-degree murder or attempted murder.
    Vang testified Thursday that he fired at the group of hunters because he feared for his life. At one point, he pretended to hold a rifle as he told jurors how he gunned down the victims - but he claimed it was only after a shot was fired at him.
    Vang, a truck driver from St. Paul , Minn. , came to the United States more than 20 years ago from a refugee camp in Thailand .
    He said the shootings happened after one of the white hunters used profanities and racial slurs when angrily confronting him for trespassing in a tree stand used to hunt deer last fall.
    Two survivors of the shootings testified that only one shot was fired at Vang, and that was after he had already shot the victims.
    Cross-examined by Lautenschlager, Vang was asked if each victim deserved to die. Vang answered "no" in some cases and "yes" in others.
    He told jurors he was on the rifle team in high school in California and later served in the National Guard, where he was trained to shoot to kill. He also described himself as an experienced hunter.

9/15/05 Los Angeles Times: Democrat Cuts Through GOP 'Malaise' for Win
Discontent with Bush, governor is cited in low voter turnout for swing Assembly district race,.
By Amanda Covarrubias
    Torrance City Councilman Ted Lieu captured 60% of the vote in Tuesday's election three times the percentage earned by his closest competitor. By winning a majority, Lieu avoided a November runoff to replace late Democratic Assemblyman Mike Gordon, 47, who died in June while undergoing treatment for a brain tumor.
    Only 17% of registered voters in the 53rd Assembly District went to the polls Tuesday, indicating that Republicans, who are usually more likely to turn out for a special election, stayed home, said Tony Quinn, an editor of the California Target Book election guide.
    Although Lieu won handily, the district is not considered a safe seat for Democrats. Voter registration in the district is closely divided, at 41% Democrat and 35% Republican, with 20% declining to state party affiliation. In the 2003 gubernatorial recall election, 54% of voters in the district supported Schwarzenegger.
    The state Democratic Party cleared the field of other candidates to focus on Lieu's campaign, while the Republicans put forward three contenders, including Mary Jo Ford, 43, a Manhattan Beach physician, who received strong support from state party leaders.
    Republicans Paul Nowatka received 12% and Paul Whitehead, 2% of the vote. Peace and Freedom Party candidate James Smith also got 2%.
    Lieu spent $300,000 on his campaign, with the largest contributions coming from employee unions and affiliated groups. The state Democratic Central Committee donated more than $20,000 in non-monetary contributions.
    Lieu, 36, said he believed his campaign message focused on education, emergency preparedness and the environment resonated with most voters in the district. He said his main objective would be to push Schwarzenegger to return $3 billion earmarked for schools that was used to balance the state budget.
    "I'm very humbled that voters put their faith and confidence in me," Lieu said. "We ran a bipartisan campaign that appealed to a broad cross-section of supporters."


9/12/05: ASIAN PACIFIC AMERICAN HURRICANE KATRINA EVACUEES NEED YOUR SUPPORT
    OCA National is actively soliciting donations for Asian Pacific American (APA) Hurricane Katrina evacuees through our local chapter, OCA-Houston. Thousands of the 30,000-50,000 Vietnamese and other APAs living in Louisiana have lost their homes and their livelihoods. For many, this is the second time in their lives that they have had to flee their homes with little more than the clothes on their backs. OCA is also reaching out to OCA members who live in or may have lived in the Gulf region as well as our Gates Millennium Scholars in the affected areas.
    APAs have also played an integral role in the hurricane relief efforts.  For example, Sheriff Harry Lee of Jefferson Parish, a Chinese American elected as sheriff off and on since 1979, has been involved with on the ground relief efforts.  He was quoted in the press as saying, "My daughter rang me, crying. She said, 'Daddy, can't you leave?' I said 'Yes, I can point my car west and step on the gas, but can I go and leave these people here? No, I cannot.'"www.ocahouston.org and click to make an online donation by credit card or Paypal.
    The Katrina disaster is not something that is short-term.  They are looking at a 4 month minimum time period where people will need shelter and assistance.  As the donation funds come in, assistance will be provided in the order of medical, food, shelter, and other basic needs.  If you are not making an online donation, please send checks to:
    Chinese Community Center-Katrina CARE               
    9800 Town Park
Houston , TX 77036 . 
        or
    Contact: Anh Phan - Director of Communications, aphan@ocanatl.org
202-223-5500

9/12/05 Wall Street Journal: Opinion Maker: A Young Lawyer Helps Chart Shift In Foreign Policy.  Prof. Yoo Sees Broad Powers For Presidents at War; White House Backs Away.  New Definition of Torture,
By Paul M. Barrett
    In June, about 100 people gathered at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative Washington think tank, to hear a lecture by John Yoo on "fighting the new terrorism." Mr. Yoo recommended an unusual idea: assassinating more suspected terrorists.
    A law professor at the University of California at Berkeley , he said his proposal would require "a change in the way we think about the executive order banning assassination, which has been with us since the 1970s." Such a change is needed, he said, because it is wartime: "A nation at war may use force against members of the enemy at any time, regardless of their proximity to hostilities or their activity at the time of attack."
    Mr. Yoo, 38 years old, is no ordinary ivory-tower theorist. During a two-year stint at the Justice Department from 2001 through 2003, he wrote some of the most controversial internal legal opinions justifying the Bush administration's aggressive approach to detaining and interrogating suspected terrorists.
    Mr. Yoo is playing an instrumental role in redefining the murky area where law intersects with foreign policy. The change underpins President Bush's claim that he possesses the sort of far-reaching emergency powers exercised by past presidents during conventional wars.
    Mr. Yoo, like others in the academic clique known as "sovereigntists," is skeptical of international law and the idea that international relations are ever based on principle, as opposed to self-interest. Mr. Yoo argues that the Constitution gives Congress limited authority to deter presidential actions in foreign affairs. The judiciary, he says, has almost none.
    At the Justice Department, Mr. Yoo crafted legal arguments for the president's power to launch pre-emptive strikes against terrorists and their supporters. He molded a theory for not applying the Geneva Conventions to captured terrorist suspects. And he interpreted the federal antitorture statute as barring only acts that cause severe mental harm or pain like that accompanying "death or organ failure."
    In the wake of the Abu Ghraib prisoner-abuse scandal, the Bush administration has backed away from Mr. Yoo's most extreme ideas about interrogation. But that hasn't discouraged him from waging an intellectual offensive in speeches, articles and a forthcoming book to be published by the University of Chicago . His claim is that American law permits the president to go to almost any lengths in the name of fighting terrorism.
    The Yoo Doctrine, as it might be called, fits with the broader Bush administration view that pursuing American interests is best for the country and the rest of the world. Before 9/11, Mr. Yoo helped lay legal groundwork for some of the president's high-visibility withdrawals from treaties, including the antiballistic missile pact with Russia and the agreement underpinning the International Criminal Court in the Netherlands , established in 1998 to deal with the gravest international crimes.
    Not surprisingly, Mr. Yoo is reviled on the political left. Students at Berkeley last year circulated a petition demanding that he recant his Justice Department work or resign his professorship. (He has done neither.) Human-rights advocates suggest he might be a war criminal and compare his memos with Nazi legal documents. Amnesty International urged in May that state bar associations consider sanctions against Mr. Yoo and others.
    Within the Bush administration, former Secretary of State Colin Powell warned in 2002 in an internal memo that Mr. Yoo's ideas about treatment of detainees would "undermine the protections of the law of war for our troops." In July, senior uniformed military lawyers deplored his analysis in Senate testimony.
    In person, the academic is disarmingly mild and defends his views calmly. He has had plenty of practice, and not just in media interviews and on campus. His wife, Elsa Arnett, he says, disagrees with almost everything he believes about politics and policy. "We have some heated discussions," he says. "I welcome it. It keeps me honest."
    Mr. Yoo has always enjoyed being a conservative fly in the liberal soup. He met his future wife when they were both Harvard undergraduates on the staff of the campus daily, where he relished the role of token right-winger. She is the daughter of veteran war correspondent Peter Arnett. "Elsa was always a smart, interesting person, and that was attractive to John, even though they disagreed about everything political," says David Lazarus, a friend since college who affectionately refers to Mr. Yoo as "the evil one." Ms. Arnett, a writer, declined to be interviewed.
    Mr. Yoo inherited conservative instincts from his parents, who emigrated from South Korea when he was an infant. Both physicians, they hated communism and admired Ronald Reagan. They sent their son to a private Episcopal high school in Philadelphia where he studied Greek and Latin and attended chapel three times a week.
    At Yale Law School in 1989, he joined the Federalist Society, a national group of right-leaning lawyers that sponsors debates and serves as a job-referral network.
    With help from Federalists, he snared prestigious clerkships: first with Judge Laurence Silberman, an appellate jurist in Washington much admired on the right, and then with Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. A good word from the justice, Mr. Yoo says, helped him obtain a top staff job with Republican Sen. Orrin Hatch of Utah , then chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee.
    While on Sen. Hatch's staff, Mr. Yoo clashed with Democrats over Clinton judicial nominees. In 2000, he aided the Republican legal contingent that helped win the decisive electoral brawl in Florida .
    Even by the standards of elite Washington legal circles, Mr. Yoo earned a reputation for what Justice Thomas calls "a very high level of confidence in conclusions he might reach." In an interview, the justice warmly recalls his former clerk as "a real showman and a real intellectual -- a smooth talker who made good arguments." Mr. Yoo had an unusual degree of certainty that he knew the "original intent" of the Constitution's authors, Justice Thomas says. "We'd kid him sometimes that he was right there at the founding."
    Former co-clerk Saikrishna Prakash recalls teasing, "John, break out the crystal ball and tell us what the framers thought." Mr. Yoo would fire back, "Yes, I consulted the framers. You're all wrong, and I'm right."
    When he wasn't drafting opinions in the Thomas chambers, Mr. Yoo sometimes played squash with Justice Antonin Scalia, another conservative hero. Mr. Yoo says he didn't let the justice win, as some other clerks did. A Supreme Court spokeswoman says the justice recalls the matches but doesn't remember losing.
    In 1996, Mr. Yoo moved to liberal Berkeley , where he had taught briefly before. He explains this fish-out-of-water situation in careerist terms: Berkeley was the best law school that offered him a tenure-track job.
    Mr. Yoo challenges an academic consensus that for decades has promoted international law and other legal restraints on U.S. war making. This thinking grew out of the post-World War II goals of resolving conflict at the United Nations and checking executive-branch excesses during the long nuclear standoff with the Soviets.
    The majority view relies heavily on constitutional provisions, such as the one stating that Congress, not the president, has the power "to declare war" and "raise and support armies."
    Years before he joined the Bush administration, Mr. Yoo was writing law-review articles arguing that this consensus is at once outdated and -- despite the Constitution's language -- in conflict with the intentions of the founding fathers.
    Seeking to play down the seemingly clear wording of the declare-war clause, for example, he argues that Alexander Hamilton and his colleagues adapted the British idea that Parliament could declare the existence of an all-out war, but such a statement wasn't necessary before the king could launch hostilities. Congress, Mr. Yoo contends, was given only two ways to counter the commander-in-chief: impeaching him or cutting off funds for the military. In James Madison's words: "The sword is in the hands of the British king; the purse in the hands of the Parliament. It is so in America , as far as any analogy can exist."
    In practice, Mr. Yoo's assertion that the commander-in-chief has vast "inherent" authority in times of crisis pretty accurately describes what past presidents have done. Since the nation's earliest days, when George Washington waged war against Indians in the Ohio River Valley and John Adams sent American ships against the French, presidents have ordered troops into scores of conflicts without formal congressional declarations. In fact, Congress has declared war only five times.
    Mr. Yoo likes to point out that Bill Clinton sent U.S. forces to Bosnia , Kosovo , Iraq , Sudan and Afghanistan -- all without formal congressional declarations. And war presidents from Washington to Abraham Lincoln to Franklin Roosevelt used military commissions to try enemy soldiers without the usual panoply of courtroom niceties.
    It's vital, says Mr. Yoo, to see the antiterrorism effort as a genuine war. Facing terrorists who don't obey treaties and can't be disciplined at the U.N., the president must be able to act swiftly and flexibly, he contends.
    Mr. Yoo got a chance to put his ideas into practice in 2001, when he received a midlevel political appointment in the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel. The small office opines on the legality of executive-branch actions.
    When the planes hit on 9/11, anxiety raced through Justice Department headquarters on Pennsylvania Avenue , recalls Robert Delahunty, then a lawyer in the counsel's office. He says Mr. Yoo immediately asserted himself, declaring, "This is war. The law operates differently." He "came to this first, before others," says Mr. Delahunty, who now teaches at the University of Saint Thomas School of Law in Minneapolis .
    In the months that followed, the White House asked Mr. Yoo's office for memos on antiterrorism authority. He served as primary draftsman of key documents, such as one dated Sept. 25, 2001, that said the president had broad constitutional power to launch military attacks on terrorist groups or states that support them, "whether or not they can be linked" to 9/11.
    A Jan. 9, 2002, memo concluded that neither the federal War Crimes Act nor the Geneva Conventions constrained the administration in its handling of al Qaeda and Taliban detainees held at Guantanamo Bay .
    The most startling memo in this series was an Aug. 1, 2002, analysis concluding the federal antitorture statute forbids "only extreme acts" that cause either "lasting psychological harm" or physical pain "akin to that which accompanies serious physical injury such as death or organ failure." As commander-in-chief, the opinion stated, Mr. Bush could bypass U.S. law and international treaties prohibiting inhumane treatment of prisoners.
    These opinions remained secret until abuse at Abu Ghraib came to light in spring 2004. The memos began to leak, and then, in June 2004, the White House released a batch of them as part of a damage-control effort. Alberto Gonzales, then the White House counsel and now attorney general, disavowed the Aug. 1, 2002, memo on interrogation. He dismissed its analysis of presidential authority to disregard antitorture laws as "irrelevant and unnecessary."
    By then, Mr. Yoo had completed his planned two-year stint in Washington and returned to Berkeley . Disappointed by the administration's response -- "They kind of ran and hid," he says -- he wasn't surprised when he became a target for Bush critics.
    A White House spokeswoman declined to expand on Mr. Gonzales's earlier comments.
    Massachusetts Democratic Sen. Edward Kennedy suggested in a speech in April that Mr. Yoo and others deserved formal disciplining. "No action -- criminal, administrative, or otherwise -- has been taken against the high civilian officials responsible for the authorization of torture and mistreatment by U.S. officials," he said.
    Jeremy Waldron, a law professor at Columbia University , gave voice to a common view in legal circles, calling the Yoo memo on torture "shocking as a jurisprudential matter" and a mark of "dishonor for our profession."
    While publicly the administration has kept its distance from Mr. Yoo, other arms of the conservative establishment, including this newspaper's editorial page, have defended him. (Mr. Yoo worked as a summer intern for The Wall Street Journal's news department before starting law school and has written articles for its opinion pages.)
    Mr. Yoo says his former boss, Justice Thomas, no stranger to personal controversy, privately offered moral support but warned that "these things will always be harder on your family than on you." Indeed, Mr. Yoo's wife only learned about the memos along with the rest of the country. While at the Justice Department, her husband hadn't talked about his classified work at home.
    In explaining the fallout to her, Mr. Yoo says he stressed that as a lawyer, he had described the reach of statutes and treaties, leaving policy choices to more senior officials. The torture memo, he says, responded to a question posed by the Central Intelligence Agency: "How far are we allowed to go?" A CIA spokesman declined to comment.
    Contrary to critics who say his work started the U.S. down a "road to Abu Ghraib," Mr. Yoo says none of his most controversial memos applied to ordinary prisoners in Iraq , only to alleged terrorists who might know about future mass attacks. He says he deplores the abuse at Abu Ghraib, but attributes it to military misbehavior, not legal interpretations.
    Mr. Yoo says al Qaeda members don't qualify for prisoner-of-war protections under the Geneva Conventions, because those treaties are between nations. Al Qaeda isn't a nation and doesn't respect rules of war, he says, such as not intentionally attacking civilians.
    The president ordered American officials in February 2002 "to continue to treat detainees humanely" and "in a manner consistent with the principles" of the Geneva Conventions. But he added the caveat that this should be done "to the extent appropriate and consistent with military necessity." The Bush administration says that it complies with the United Nations Convention Against Torture, which the U.S. ratified in 1994.
    Mr. Yoo takes solace in that most of the ideas he advocated are very much alive in Washington . The military and CIA continue to operate secretive detention-and-interrogation centers. The indefinite imprisonment of terrorism suspects and use of military commissions have survived legal challenges.
    In June 2004, the Supreme Court ruled that federal courts can review the grounds for detaining foreign enemy combatants held outside the U.S. The justices separately ruled that American citizens held as terrorism suspects must have access to lawyers and fair hearings.
    But beyond providing for the barest sort of judicial oversight, the court seemed to accept the idea that the country is at war and that the president and his subordinates have exceedingly broad latitude to run it. If confirmed, Supreme Court nominee John Roberts is expected to be a strong proponent of this view.
    "It seems to me," says Mr. Yoo, "that the leaders in government and the judges and some legal thinkers, too, accept now that the fight against terrorism is a real war."

9/12/05 AFP: Kung Fu legend Bruce Lee to get statue in Bosnian city
    Sarajevo (AFP) - The martial arts legend Bruce Lee is to be honoured with a statue in the southern Bosnian city of Mostar , as a symbolic protest against ethnic division, local authorities said. 
    Bruce Lee was chosen as a hero that all ethnic groups could relate to, in a city that was nearly destroyed during the fierce fighting between Croats and Muslims during Bosnia 's 1992-95 war and that remains bitterly divided.
    City authorities have given the green light for the statue to be built, following a proposal made two years ago by a local association, the Urban Movement of Mostar, Zdravko Culjak, head of Mostar's planning department, said.
    The life-sized bronze statue of the Kung Fu cinema icon is to be placed in a city park within the next few months.
    Lee starred in a string of hugely successful martial arts films -- Fists of Fury, Enter the Dragon, The Chinese Connection and Return of the Dragon -- in the early 1970s, but died at the young age of 32, in 1973.
    The Mostar city administration has been unified under international pressure but ethnic divisions remain.
    Following the war both ethnic groups erected monuments and renamed streets after heroes of their ethnicity.
    "At a time when politics and ethnic ideology have occupied and poisoned everyday life, we want to show that there are true values that have nothing to do with politics," the Mostar association earlier said of the initiative.
    "It would also be a reminder of our childhood dreams of a just world where crude physical force does not matter, but skill, speed and the will to fight for justice does."

9/10/05 e-mail from Steven Pei, Chair of Houston 80-20 Communication Committee re: Katrina Relief efforts in Houston Asian American community
    As you have read and seen on the news, Houston is not doing well.  Asian American community here is struggling to support the 200,000 Katrina evacuees expected in Houston out of the 300,000 expected in Texas .  Among them are thousands of Asian Americans.
    Rogene Gee Calvert, President of Houston 80-20, is in charge of all volunteer efforts at the George Brown Convention Center , which is one of the two mega-shelters in Houston . Led by the two Asian American City Council members and two Asian American state representatives, the Houston Asian American community is fully engaged in the relief efforts.  My NIJ Center at University of Houston is also involved as our director is on a FEMA assignment in charge of the security of all Disaster Relief Centers in Texas . 
    The active participation in the Houston politics in recent years by the Houston 80-20 and other Asian American groups is paying off at this critical time.  Mayor Bill White met with the Asian American community for almost two hours on Tuesday.
    Asian American community leaders are also invited to attend the 8 AM meeting at the George Brown Convention Center every morning.  The meeting is chaired by the Mayor and attended by heads of all federal and local government operations in Houston .
    Asian American community is also urging FEMA to set up a Disaster Relief Center in the Southwest Houston to serve the needs of the large number of Asian American evacuees scattered in shelters and private homes in this region. Last Wednesday evening, FEMA Houston Operation Chief visited the building that housed the Chinese Civic Center up to six months ago.  FEMA is now negotiating a lease with the owner.
    Asian American apartment owners donated housing for free up to 15 days.  The owner of the Hong Kong Mall, the largest Asian supermarket in Houston , opens its doors to the evacuees and houses the relief operations by Boat People SOS, Chinese Community Center and other Asian American groups inside the Mall.   Asian American shop owners lost business as the first floor of the Mall is filled with evacuees.  Then the Mall leased another 4,000 sq ft space to allow Boat People SOS to expand its operation on the second floor to accommodate the needs.  
    At the end of the Tuesday meeting with the Mayor, 4 college students from the Union of Vietnamese Students Association of Southern California arrived with money and supplies after driving 23 hours on I-10.  They left my house 9 AM (7 AM Pacific time) every morning, work at the Hong Kong Mall or shelters, come home for dinner, then go out again to buy supplies for shelters with donations that they collected in Southern California.  
    The second group of 12 student volunteers just arrived from Los Angeles last evening.

9/8/05 Fort Worth Star-Telegram: Fleeing the Storm: Family ties bring Vietnamese evacuees to area,
By Neil Strassman
    Arlington - Thomas Nguyen escaped by boat from Vietnam in 1981.
Ten days ago, he fled again, this time from his adopted home of New Orleans just ahead of Hurricane Katrina, and made a beeline for Arlington .
    After a 20-hour drive, Nguyen arrived at his sister's home with three vehicles and 16 relatives.
    "People walked the road faster than the car could drive," said Nguyen, 41, whose sister's home was so crowded with arriving kin that he moved his family last week to the Salvation Army shelter in Arlington . "We would have left sooner, but my parents wouldn't go until the last."
    Nguyen and hundreds of other Vietnamese families have sought refuge in Arlington and other Texas cities, relying on an extensive network of family, friends and well-established Southeast Asian communities in Tarrant County , across North Texas and in Houston .
    "Vietnamese families, churches and Buddhist temples have been feeding and housing people," said state Rep. Hubert Vo, D-Houston. Vo is the only Vietnamese-American representative in Texas and one of the few Vietnamese lawmakers in the nation.
    Vo said about 10,000 Vietnamese evacuees have gone to Houston since the hurricane.
    The Tarrant County community is centered in Arlington , where 10,000 or more Vietnamese live; 5,000 live in Haltom City . As many as 24,000 Vietnamese may live in the county, according to 2003 Census data. Community leaders, however, say the population is closer to 50,000 in North Texas .
    "They are here because they have some family in the Arlington area," said Tom Ha, a Haltom City businessman and a Vietnamese-American community leader in Tarrant County .
    Because evacuees are staying with relatives or friends, there is no easy way to estimate how many have come to North Texas , Ha said.
    Eastern New Orleans had been home to about 15,000 Vietnamese, census reports show. At least 4,000 lived in Biloxi , Miss. , although Vietnamese community leaders say far more lived there and in other areas along the Gulf Coast , where many are involved in the fishing industry.
    The exodus from New Orleans dispersed family members across the country, said Than Nguyen, 33, who is not related to Thomas Nguyen. Than's brother, for example, fled to Chicago , while Than took his parents and sister to Arlington .
    "Most of my relatives are here, and we need to support each other," said Nguyen, an air-conditioning repairman who has lived in New Orleans for 12 years.
    "My company called me yesterday and told me to return. They set up an apartment for my family between Baton Rouge and New Orleans and will put me to work," he said. "I am going back next week."
    His nephew, Khanh Nguyen , said he will never forget the early Mass at Mary Queen of Vietnam Church in New Orleans the Sunday he drove family members out of town.
    "The church holds about 1,500 people, and it was really, really empty," the 22-year-old said. "We knew it was time to go."
    Vietnamese leaders in North Texas met in Arlington last weekend to organize relief assistance. They established the Katrina Relief Committee of the Dallas and Fort Worth Vietnamese American Community.
    The Dallas community is responsible for searching for Vietnamese evacuees who have come to the Metroplex and helping with temporary housing, clothing and food, said To Thai, president of the Vietnamese American Community of Greater Dallas.
    The Tarrant community is responsible for fund raising, Thai said.
    Two local Vietnamese-language radio stations are helping to raise money. Benefit concerts are planned in Garland on Sept. 24 and in Arlington on Sept. 25, said Andy Nguyen, chairman of the Vietnamese-American Community of Tarrant County. Details for the events will be announced later.
    As the Vietnamese community prepares to help evacuees, Thomas Nguyen is trying to start over again.
    When he started his life in New Orleans , Nguyen washed dishes and bused tables. He saved enough money to open a small convenience store and then another. He bought a house, and then another house, and always paid cash.
    "Now, I am just looking for a job. Any kind of work," he said. 
    How to help
To assist Vietnamese evacuees in North Texas, write to Vietnamese National Community of Greater Fort Worth, in care of Katrina victims, P.O. Box 183821, Arlington, TX 76096-3821
The U.S. Agency for International Development has put out a call for Cambodian, Laotian and Vietnamese speakers to assist Katrina victims. For information about providing assistance, contact the Federal Emergency Management Agency at www.fema.gov.

9/8/05 Dallas Morning News: Gulf Coast region rich with Asian-American history
by Esther Wu
    For days now, we have been watching news reports of how Hurricane Katrina has ravaged the Gulf Coast . We have seen pictures of the tens of thousands who have been relocated throughout Texas .
    The evacuees include Asian-Americans, who have a long history in the coastal region.
    One of the first known Filipino settlements in America was established in the 1700s in St. Malo in the bayous near New Orleans . According to historians, these early settlers were called Manilamen and may have been deserters from Spanish galleons that sailed along the Gulf Coast . Newspaper accounts of these Filipino enclaves were reported as early as 1883.
    The first Chinese arrived in Mississippi during Reconstruction immediately after the Civil War. Relations already were strained between the black freed men and the white landowners. Because the labor system had been broken, planters recruited the Chinese as possible replacements for slaves. By 1880, census records showed 51 Chinese living in Mississippi .
    Those early settlers opened the door for many other Asian-Americans including many Southeast Asians who, in the 1970s, were lured by the fishing industry to the coastal region.
    Today, according to the census, Asian-Americans make up 1.2 percent of Louisiana 's population. Of that estimate, 2.3 percent lived in New Orleans and 2.6 percent in Baton Rouge . Mississippi reports less than 1 percent of its population as Asian-American. But in Biloxi , Miss. , one of the cities hardest hit by Katrina, 5.1 percent of the city population is Asian-American.
    Michael Grabell, a Dallas Morning News reporter who has been covering Hurricane Katrina, filed this account last week:
    Sang Le sat with a man he considers his grandfather. He wandered the bridge, shirt over his shoulder, begging for a ride to Baton Rouge . He offered $1,000 that he kept in a wad in his pocket. But he refused to leave alone.
    "I've got an old man over there. He's 91 years old. He can't walk. I can't leave him here. He can't speak English. Who's going to help him?" Mr. Le, 41, a tuna fisherman in New Orleans East, considers Loc Nguyen his grandfather because he has been with him for 30 years ever since his family left Vietnam .
    The Associated Press reported last week that half of Louisiana 's Vietnamese population of 30,000 has taken refuge in Houston . Dallas Assistant City Manager Ramon Miguez said Tuesday that it was impossible to know at this point how many Asian-Americans have been relocated to North Texas .
    Justo Hernandez, head of the FEMA team overseeing the federal-intake program in Dallas , said it would take a while to sort through all the names. "Right now, our first priority is to get these people help food, clothing and shelter," he said.
    If you would like to offer temporary housing to evacuees, call 214-670-4275. According to Mr. Miguez, because language may be a problem, you can specify that your offer go to an Asian family.
    In the meantime, local Asian-Americans stand ready to help Asian and non-Asian evacuees. Among some of the efforts:
    The India Association of North Texas held a candlelight vigil and prayer session at its offices on Sunday and has launched a relief fund. Donations may be mailed to 777 S. Central Expressway, Suite 7C , Richardson , Texas 75080 .
    Theresa Bui Creevy, Nancy Hong and Vi Nguyen have begun collecting food and clothing for evacuees. Items may be dropped off at 445 Walnut St., Suite 113 , in Richardson or at Nexus Recover, 8733 La Prada Drive in Dallas . Call 214-432-6586.
    Tzu Chi, a nonprofit Buddhist organization dedicated to charitable works, has started delivering beds to a shelter in Garland and has committed to providing up to 400 beds to Plano if needed. The group has also been providing meals for relief workers.
    The Federation of Chinese Organizations will hold a fair from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m. Sept. 24 at the China Town Shopping center , 400 N. Greenville Ave. in Richardson . Vendors will sell food, arts and crafts.  Proceeds will go to the relief effort.

9/8/05 Sacramento Bee: Interpreter shortage leaves courts in a bind,
By Claire Cooper
    A deepening shortage of interpreters in California's civil courts is leaving some of the state's most vulnerable residents powerless to protect their homes, jobs and civil rights, a special study commission reported Wednesday. 
    The Commission on Access to Justice, convened by major public and private institutions ranging from the state court system to the state Chamber of Commerce, said the number of qualified interpreters has declined in the past decade by one-fourth overall and one-third for those certified in Spanish, the language used by most of the 20 million Californians who speak little or no English. 
    At the same time, immigration has increased, particularly among groups that are not likely to be English-fluent.
    "The starkest consequence ... is simply that justice is unavailable" to those who are most vulnerable to evictions, repossessions of property, wage garnishments and violations of their civil rights, the commission reported. 
    State Chief Justice Ronald George said there's no quarrel with the study findings, but neither is there "any immediate prospect" for funds to relieve the crisis. 
    California, unlike jurisdictions such as Kansas, Kentucky and Washington, D.C., does not require interpreters in most civil proceedings and appropriates no money to pay them in civil cases - even where they're required by statute, as in cases filed under the federal domestic violence act or the state small claims act. 
    Litigants who can afford interpreters can try to hire them privately.
    But low-income immigrants and the judges who preside over their cases - most often family law disputes or evictions - must resort to their own devices. 
    Many are uneasy about doing so.
    Martha Valles, a Legal Services of Northern California paralegal, said clients who are told to provide their own translators often say they have no one. 
    Because they think the effort will be futile, "a lot of times they don't even go to court," she said.
    William Kennedy, managing attorney at Legal Services, said it's "not at all unusual" to see a 12-year-old translating in a Hmong case. 
    California pays for interpreters in criminal cases and has appropriated $85 million for the purpose this year, according to the Judicial Council. But the pinch is being felt there, too. 
    The state's supply of interpreters has shrunk to 1,238. At the same time, the demand for them has expanded rapidly - 1.8 million legal immigrants arrived in California between 1990 and 1998 and perhaps an equal number without documents. 
    The state, which pays interpreters at a rate of $265 a day, has a hard time competing for them with the federal court system, which pays up to $329, and the private sector, which may pay much more. 
    Curt Soderlund, chief deputy executive officer of Sacramento Superior Court, acknowledged that group arraignments occur "fairly routinely" in drunken driving cases and can occur in other criminal cases because of the interpreter shortage. He said individual interpreters always are assigned for criminal trials, however. 
    Raising interpreters' pay to make the job more attractive is among the report's recommendations.
    Other recommendations could be easier to implement. Those include making interpreter training more widely available through community colleges and nonprofit organizations in the hope of increasing the current 15 percent pass rate on certification exams, and exploring the creation of apprentice positions for out-of-court translation services that may not require the high skill levels demanded of courtroom interpreters. 
    The state courts' administrative office already has taken a number of steps to put more interpreters to work, including sponsoring workshops to prepare Spanish-and Korean-speaking applicants for certification exams and collaborating with the University of California to develop interpreter training programs. 
    Some local court systems also are confronting the crisis.
    Sacramento Superior Court has developed pamphlets telling litigants what to expect in various proceedings, such as family disputes or evictions, in 10 languages: Hmong, Lao, Spanish, Russian, Ukrainian, Urdu, Vietnamese, Tongan and Fijian, as well as English. Korean and Samoan versions are in preparation. 
    And, to help interpreters pass the certification exam, the Sacramento court recently completed 11 sets of translations of legal terms used in the courtroom - in Hmong, Mong, Arabic, Armenian, Punjabi, Vietnamese, Russian, Spanish, Romanian, Mien and Urdu. Lao, Mandarin and Hindu versions are planned. Soderlund said statewide distribution is expected.

8/30/05 Village Voice: The Others: Translating NYC's ethnic politics for Asians and Middle Easterners,
by Jarrett Murphy
    Money talks, and the Wongs and Muhammads of this world are speaking louder in New York City politics. From 1989 to 2001, the number of contributions to municipal campaigns from those two surnames quadrupled as the population of Asiansa broad category that includes people from the Middle East to the Far East grew faster than any other group in the city. Yet the ethnic calculus of this year's mayoral campaign is still limited to blacks, whites, and Hispanics, according to the Marist and Quinnipiac polls, which report results only for those three groups, omitting a tenth of the city's people. 
    The black-white-Hispanic-obsessed lingo aside, mayoral candidates in 2005 are hunting votes in neighborhoods where the signs might be in Arabic, Urdu, and Cantonese. "I think all the candidates are paying more attention to the Asian American votethe existing Asian American vote as well as the fast-growing numbers of Asian American voters," says City Councilman John Liu of Queens , where 50 percent of the city's Asians live, composing 18 percent of the borough's people. 
    Liu noticed that this year all four Democratic contenders showed up for a debate he set up, while in 1989 no campaign even replied to invitations to an Asian American forum. Elsewhere in the city, among the hundreds of council candidates are a few names from these emerging groups, like Dilip Nath and Renee Lobo in Queens and Naquan Muhammad in Brooklyn. City Council Speaker Gifford Miller has held two press events featuring high-profile Asian supporters, including York Chan, whom some refer to as "mayor of Chinatown ." And Virginia Fields got into trouble when a campaign mailer faked a photo featuring Asians.
    Mayor Michael Bloomberg's campaign, meanwhile, boasts the backing of the Chinese-language Sing Tao newspaper, which the mayor's campaign calls "the first-ever such endorsement in the paper's 40-year history." Bloomberg 2005 also has set up Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders for Bloomberg, a group headlined by a Korean from Long Island, an Indian American businessman from Queens, and a Pakistani dentist from Staten Island .
    "There are lots of issues that Asian Americans share," said Liu, "one being the immigrant experience, being relatively recent immigrant arrivals. And Asians also suffer from a perpetual- foreigner syndrome, meaning that you could be a fourth- or fifth-generation Asian American but still somehow it's difficult to believe that you're an American. I get that: First they compliment me on my ability to speak English, and often I get asked, 'Well, where are you from?' and for some reason people refuse to take Flushing for an answer." 
    It was Bloomberg's signing of a 2003 order preventing police from asking about people's immigration status that earned him the backing of dentist Mohammad Khalid, president of the Pakistani Civic Association, a Staten Island group that claims a membership of 1,000 families. "Generally," Khalid tells the Voice, "the administration right now is very helpful to our community." So far, at least. What Khalid wants to see next is more Muslims in top city jobs and more Urdu and Arabic speakers in the schools' ESL classrooms. 
    Those desires mirror what immigrants have always sought in New York . Other Asian neighborhood issues similarly mix the familiar with the ethnic-specific: At a June event at Confucius Plaza in Chinatown, Council Speaker Gifford Miller addressed street lighting, bird flu, truck traffic, and the fact, as Miller put it, "that Chinatown doesn't have an arch." In Flushing , signs are posted protesting a plan to build on a large municipal parking lot right off Main Street an old-fashioned urban dispute articulated in a new language. "Where is our politician we voted for when we need them?" the signs ask. 
    A candidate's outreachor lack of itcan itself become an issue. Assemblyman Jimmy Meng, the first Asian American elected to Albany and a Fernando Ferrer supporter, says Bloomberg ignored Flushing the first three years he was mayor. On the other hand, Khalid says the mayor is the only candidate who has shown any courtesy to Pakistanis in the city.
    But while missteps still occur, there seems to be progress. "Elected officials and other entities are becoming more savvy about Asian Americans," says Liu, "and the fact that there's no one descriptor that can be applied to everybody who's Asian American, and even within the different ethnic groups there are some nuances." 
    For instance, Meng says candidates stress different themes depending on which part of the Chinese community they are addressing. "If they come to Flushing , they talk education," as well as business opportunities and street cleaning, he says. "They come to Chinatown , they start with immigration. Brooklyn ? Immigrant issues." The reason, Meng says, is that the immigrants in Flushing typically arrived earlier than their Chinatown counterparts or they have the concerns of more established residents rather than newcomers. 
    Of course, the communities themselves are always evolving. Liu says that many Asians who are citizens still don't bother to register or, if registered, to vote. But that might be changing. He sees Asian New Yorkers getting engaged in this year's campaign, mainly because politicians are bothering to engage them. 
    In a poll of Asian American voters in Brooklyn, Manhattan , and Queens on Election Day 2004, the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund found that 36 percent were first-time voters. AALDEF's Margaret Fung expects a big Asian turnout in 2005, thanks to the availability of bilingual voting information and the increasing prevalence of Democratic Party membership. The Democratic share has been increasing since AALDEF began polling in 1988, she says, reaching 60 percent in the 2004 poll. In a Democratic town like New York , that could translate into augmented influence for Asians.

8/26/05 San Francisco Chronicle: Schools' diversity lottery extended:
Court-ordered plan for desegregation now expires in 2007,
by Heather Knight
    The federal court order overseeing the San Francisco Unified School 
District 's complicated, controversial desegregation system will probably stay 
in place through June 30, 2007 -- 18 months longer than originally planned. 
    The court order, which has been in place since 1983, was due to expire on Dec. 31. But lawyers representing all parties associated with the case filed a request Thursday for an extension. U.S. District Judge William Alsup is expected to hold a hearing and grant the request later this year. 
    At the center of San Francisco's desegregation plan is a student assignment system, known as the "diversity index,'' that uses a computerized lottery to take into account a student's top seven school choices and socioeconomic background in an effort to ensure diversity in schools. 
    Peter Cohn, a lawyer for the NAACP, which is a party to the case, said the extension would give the school district and Board of Education more time to consider a new system for assigning students to schools and allow for a smoother transition out from under court supervision. 
    But some parents were irate over the extension request. Many families, especially those living on the west side of the city, consider the system unfair because it sends some of their children to low-performing schools far from their homes in order to free up space at higher-performing west side schools for students from the east side of the city. 
    For example, Yana Rathman, who lives within walking distance of Washington High in the Richmond District, was upset when her son, Daniel, was not placed at Washington . He was assigned to Mission High, which is lower performing than Washington , and would require Daniel to commute to school on Muni. 
    She enrolled Daniel in a private school instead but still follows the matter closely because she has a younger child she hopes to enroll in public school. 
    "I'm starting to become really skeptical," she said upon hearing of the extension request. "It just seems like people there just don't hear what their customers, meaning parents and students, are saying. That's not the way to run a business if you just take it in a direction where everybody else doesn't want to go." 
    Some Chinese American families have been especially vocal about their disdain for the current system, staging rallies outside district headquarters and even keeping their children out of school in protest. 
    David Lee, executive director of Chinese American Voters Education Committee, said he blamed the Board of Education for dragging its feet in devising a new system and thus giving the lawyers involved in the case little choice but to seek continued court supervision. 
    The school board formed a task force of parents, teachers and other community members to come up with ideas for a new assignment system but then discounted much of the task force's work and delayed taking action of its own. 
    "They've been exceedingly slow," Lee said. 
    Eric Mar, president of the Board of Education, didn't return calls for comment. 
    The court order stems from a 1978 lawsuit filed by the NAACP accusing the school district of failing to provide equal educational opportunities for African American children. A settlement reached in 1983 involved a pledge by the school district to desegregate its schools by preventing any one racial group from making up more than 45 percent of a school. 
    Those caps were in turn challenged by Chinese families in a suit in 1994, saying they were unfairly keeping their children out of the best schools. Another settlement in 1999 led to the creation of the current diversity index, which takes socioeconomics, but not race, into account when assigning students to schools.

8/26/05 San Francisco Examiner: "S.F. extends school desegregation order: Assignment system won't change until at least 2007-08 ,"
By Bonnie Eslinger
    San Francisco The controversial student assignment system currently used to desegregate San Francisco 's public schools will not change for the 2006-07 school year, according to Superintendent Arlene Ackerman.
    San Francisco's school chief also expressed pleasure with a proposed legal agreement filed in federal court Thursday that would extend the district's court-ordered desegregation efforts for another 18 months. The order, known as a consent decree, was scheduled to expire in December of this year, but if the judge grants the continuation, the new sunset date would be in June 2007.
     One of the most contested aspects of the consent decree is its impact on the district's student assignment system, which currently uses a "diversity index" that takes into account a student's socio-economic background, in an effort to desegregate schools.
    The consent decree is the result of a lawsuit filed by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1978. A subsequent settlement in 1983 requires the San Francisco Unified School District to work toward integrating schools and increasing the academic achievement of the district's minority students.
    The NAACP was expected to ask for an extension of the consent decree but it was unknown whether it would be granted. The surprise agreement between all parties filed Thursday increases the chance of an extension and gives the district more time to achieve the desegregation goals.
    It also allows a group of Chinese-American families, known as the Ho plaintiffs, to have more say in whatever student assignment process gets accepted during the 18-month period. These families became a part of the consent decree oversight group after they sued the district in 1999, charging that the desegregation efforts discriminated against their children getting spots in well-regarded schools.
    "Eighteen months is nothing in time in exchange for that leverage," said one of the Ho plaintiffs' lawyers, David Levine.
    Earlier this year, the board began reviewing several alternative ideas to the diversity index, three of which were proposed by a community task force. There was an expectation that a decision would have been made in time to implement the new system this fall for parents applying for next school year.
    However, the decision has been put off until next spring since the district recently hired two desegregation experts who have been charged with reviewing all of the existing ideas as well as presenting new options.
    Chinese-American community advocate Ed Jew, a member of the student assignment review committee said keeping the desegregation order in place for any additional time was a "slap in the face" to the committee, which recommended several solutions that gave more preference to students who didn't want to give up spots at their neighborhood school to other minorities and be bused to another school.  

8/19/05 AsianWeek.com: Study Reveals Fewer APAs in Broadcast,
By Sam Chu Lin
    More than a thousand Asian Pacific American journalists are gathering at the 17th Annual National Convention of the Asian American Journalists Association and in Twin Cities, Minnesota, focusing attention on the newest Radio Television News Director Associations (RTNDA) Employment Survey. It reveals a further decline of APA broadcast journalists. In 2005, there was not a single Asian American radio news director, only 1.3% percent of APAs as television news directors, 1.9% APAs overall in television news and less than 1% APAs in radio news overall, according to researchers at Ball State University in Muncie, Indiana.
    The barriers that keep Asian Americans from entering and succeeding in journalism are the same barriers that prevent their rise to high-profile on-air positions and in news management, said Stanton Tang, AAJAs vice president for broadcast and managing editor at Las Vegas One/KLAS-TV. The bigger picture is that there hasnt been progress in a meaningful way in years even though the minority population in the U.S. continues to expand, said Ball State communications professor Bob Papper. Papper believes the Federal Governments deregulation of the broadcast industry in 1998 is partly to blame, and also low salaries. If you adjust for inflation, the starting salaries in broadcasting are the lowest its been in 20-30 years, he elaborated. A legitimate question is, Are people simply choosing more lucrative areas? 
    Frank Buckley, whose mother [Oguma] is a Japanese American, recently left CNN to become a weekend anchor at KTLA-TV in Los Angeles . He remembers the dedication and perseverance needed to get started. In 1987, I was the morning anchor in Palm Springs at the ABC station and reporting during the day, he recounted. The guy over at the NBC station who did the same job finished up his morning shift and went over to a department store to sell mens suits. We were making about $13,000 a year.
    He also reminds aspiring journalists they often need thick skins.
You cant do this because you just want to be a television star, he advised. You cant do this because you expect to become a millionaire. You have to have a passion to be a journalist, to be a writer, to be a good storyteller.
    Arthur Chien, a former WCBS-TV reporter who is joining another TV station in New York City , says APA men are quitting the industry. A lot of our business is based on a formula now, Chien explained. Asian American males just dont factor into that formula. We have mostly women here in New York . The situation is worse in Boston . There isnt the big demand for men.
    Another APA broadcast journalist on the East Coast would only talk anonymously because his station requires company approval on any interviews. We have a conservative Administration that has made it clear it doesnt like affirmative action, the journalist asserted. And having more diversity on the air suggests to some people of being liberal. There have also been many stories about how China is becoming an economic and military threat in the world. Many people cant tell the difference from one Asian to another. If they are fearful, that could also impact the hiring of more Asian Americans.
    Still some cite high-profile APAs like Lori Matsukawa (KING-TV/Seattle), Raj Mathai (KNTV) and David Ono (KABC-TV/ Los Angeles ) as signs that Asian American images are still getting through. But Janice Gin, assistant news director at KTVU in Oakland and chairperson of RTNDAs diversity committee, says shes most concerned about the dearth of APAs in management. People in management can make a story live or die, Gin remarked. Thats why I think its so important when we talk about these news statistics, that its so important that we really push not just to get people in the pipeline or people in our business, but we get them to stay and to aspire to positions of power and responsibility. That way we can help to insure that the communitys stories are told. 
    That statistic hasnt changed in years, noted Henry Chu, news director at KGBT-TV (CBS) in Harlingen , Texas . Thats frustrating and unfortunately it demonstrates how little progress has been made.

8/18/05 Boston Globe: Asian-American group alleges poll problems: Boston , Quincy , Lowell cited for '04,
By Michael Levenson
    Asian-American voters faced significant barriers at the ballot box during the November 2004 election in Lowell and Quincy, as well as in Boston, according to a survey by a national advocacy group that found complaints by minority voters were far more widespread than those outlined in a recent federal lawsuit against the city of Boston.
    The Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund documented numerous examples of voters who were turned away from the polls, denied access to translated materials, and insufficiently notified of their polling sites, according to letters the group sent to state and local elections officials last March and obtained by the Globe yesterday.
    ''Poll workers simply turned these voters away," the group said in a March letter to the office of Secretary of State William F. Galvin.
    The New York-based group, which plans to detail nationwide voting problems faced by Asian-Americans during a press conference today, said it found voters at 11 polling stations in Boston, Quincy, and Lowell encountered ''multiple barriers" similar to those experienced by some black and Latino voters in Florida in 2000.
    City and state elections officials said yesterday the problems had been addressed since the group sent its letters in March. The letters, however, provide new details of the allegations facing the city of Boston and show that other cities also experienced similar problems. The group sent its findings to the US Justice Department before the department filed a voting rights lawsuit against the city of Boston last month.
    In Boston , home to about 19,000 Chinese-American and 10,000 Vietnamese-American voters, poll watchers interviewed about 500 Asian-Americans as they left five polling stations in Chinatown, Mission Hill, and Dorchester last November.
    The survey found 10 voters who said they had been turned away because their names were not on the rolls and who were not offered provisional ballots as required by law. About 100 voters told interviewers that the polling stations lacked Chinese and Vietnamese ballot guides. And 62 voters had to show identification, a practice that raised questions about racial discrimination, said Glenn D. Magpantay, a lawyer for the group.
    In Lowell , home to a burgeoning Cambodian population, poll monitors found similar problems outside four voting stations. Voters said they had been turned away and told to register in the next election; some were not given provisional ballots. Cambodian immigrants told of a lack of materials in Khmer, and some voters said Lowell did not adequately notify them of polling places. In one case, poll workers forbade a voter from bringing a friend inside the booth to translate, as permitted by law.
    Similar problems surfaced in Quincy , home to a large Chinese community, where voters complained of a lack of translators at one polling station and of poll workers who failed to give provisional ballots to voters not on the rolls. Elections workers are required to offer a provisional ballot if they are uncertain the voter is registered; the ballot is counted if the voter's registration is later verified.
    Statewide, the Asian-American population has grown by 68 percent since 1990, to about 250,000, the legal defense fund said.
    To remedy the problems, the group recommended better training for poll workers, more signs in Asian languages, and more interpreters at polling stations.
    Yesterday Galvin said that he met with the group in April, after it sent him a letter outlining the complaints, and that he pledged to make more signs and Asian-language ballot guides available to cities and towns. He said he believed they were satisfied.
    ''I'm very proud of the record we have of error-free elections, particular when compared to other states, but I can't respond to generalities, especially from people you've met with and tried to address," Galvin said. ''If there are no new issues, I don't know what else I can do. We've tried to reach out to them and address them."
    However, Magpantay said yesterday he had not seen any new foreign-language materials printed by Galvin's office. He said he was also hoping for better training for poll workers and ballots printed in Asian languages, not just elections materials.
    ''I don't think there's anything we're demanding which could not be easily done," he said.
    Geraldine Cuddyer, the chair of the Boston Election Department, acknowledged in a letter to the group last April that some problems had occurred during the November election.
    She pledged to make more foreign-language signs available for September's preliminary elections and to follow up with election wardens about problems with provisional ballots.
    Yesterday a spokesman for Mayor Thomas M. Menino said he was satisfied with the response.
    ''Every concern that has been raised with the Election Department, such as those concerns raised by the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund, or by the Secretary of the Commonwealth, Bill Galvin, have been addressed by the Election Department," spokesman Seth Gitell said.
    Since the November election, Quincy officials have boosted the number of Chinese translators there from six to 16, City Clerk Joseph Shea said. Shea pledged to make more Chinese-language materials available in future elections.
    ''I think we can do a better job, and we will do a better job," he said.
    Lowell 's top election officer disputed the group's account that voters were not notified of their polling station and said he had no evidence of voters who were denied provisional ballots. In many cases, it is up to voters to make sure they are properly registered and that they know where to vote, said Thomas A. Wirtanen, chairman of the Election Commission in Lowell .
    ''As long as I'm commissioner in the city of Lowell , every voter will have the chance to vote, and every vote will be counted," he said.

 
8/13/05
    The Asian American Journalists Associations National Conference next week (August 17-20) in Minneapolis will open its doors to the general public for a special Town Hall Forum on Thursday, August 18, from 6:00 p.m. to 8:00 p.m. at the Hyatt Regency Minneapolis, 1300 Nicollet Mall, Minneapolis .
    The August 18 town hall meeting will allow community members, leaders and journalists to examine the relationship between Asian American and Pacific Islanders, justice and the media. An esteemed panel will explore recent examples of Asian Americans that have been unfairly tried in the media. 
    The AAJA convention has a long history of hosting lively, important town hall meetings and this year is certainly no exception, states Neal Justin, convention chair and TV critic for the Minneapolis Star Tribune. "This is a great opportunity for the Twin Cities community to come together and converse with national newsmakers and have an impact on journalists from across the country.
    The event will be the first major public appearance this year by former Army Capt. James Yee, a West Point graduate and Muslim chaplain who was unjustly accused of espionage while on duty at Guantanamo Bay Cuba , detained and eventually released with all charges dropped and no apologies. 
    The event will explore Capt. Yee's ordeal and several other high-profile stories involving AAPIs who have made national headlines.
    Capt. Yee will join a panel discussion with Minnesota State Sen. Mee Moua, 
Bill Ong Hing, Professor of Law and Asian American Studies, University of Calif.
Davis , Jaideep Singh, Sikh Mediawatch and Sikh American Legal Defense and Education Fund.
    Journalists on the panel will include Steve Montiel, director, Institute for Justice and Journalism, USC Annenberg School for Communication, and Tram Nguyen, executive editor, Colorlines Magazine, and author of We Are All Suspects Now: Untold Stories from Immigrant Communities. Rekha Basu, columnist, Des Moines Register, will moderate the discussion. 
    The event coordinator is Helen Zia, the journalist and author who exposed the injustice in Detroit in the Vincent Chin murder, as well as unscrupulous labor practices with Asian Americans in the Alaska canneries.
    Issues expected to be brought up for discussion include recent reports of anonymous tips to Homeland Security with claims of Chinese "dirty nuclear bomber terrorists" entering Boston . Wire services immediately identify four suspects and post artist renderings of them and the alert becomes national headline news; although the tip later proves to be hoax, no apologies are offered to the accused or those who might have been subject to their "profile."
    A local example will include Chia Vang, a Hmong hunter charged with shooting six people and wounding two in a hunting altercation in near Hayward , Wis. The initial media coverage implied and in some cases expressed a direct link with the shooting to the suspect's cultural heritage, and fear the coverage has hurt his chances for a fair trial.
    With the perception that these cases and other are tried in the media through their coverage, the Town Hall will explore several issues: What are the hurdles to justice that AAPIs face? Is there a presumption of guilt when AAPIs are accused of certain crimes? How has the Patriot Act and the War on Terrorism affected AAPIs and what does the news media need to know to ensure fair and balanced coverage of the increasing numbers of such cases?
    The convention will also feature speakers such as former Vice President Walter F. Mondale and Sharshi Tharoor, award-winning author/writer and United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Communications and Public Information.
    With more than 2,300 members, AAJA is the nations largest professional organization for Asian American and Pacific Islander journalists. AAJA encourages young people to consider journalism as a career, develops managers in the media industry, and promotes fair and accurate news coverage.
    For information and to RSVP call 1-877-570-9285 or aajatownhall@gmail.com. Visit the AAJA website at www.aaja.org.

8/12/05 AsianWeek.com:  Making Every Vote Count in 2007,
By Wendy Leung
    Politicians and community leaders across the country marked the 40th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act last week The act was signed into law by President Lyndon Johnson in 1965 to prevent discrimination in the electoral process and is widely credited for increasing minority representation in government.
    In Los Angeles , which this year elected the first Latino mayor in modern history, Eun-Sook Lee, executive director of the National Korean American Service and Education Consortium, said, Were not here just to mark history. Were here because temporary provisions of the Voting Rights Act will expire [in 2007] unless Congress renews them. These provisions are [vital] to ensure equal access for API voters.
    One of these provisions requires language assistance in communities with large numbers of non-native-English speakers, including bilingual signs, poll workers and voter registration forms.
    In Los Angeles County , voting assistance is provided in Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Tagalog and Vietnamese, in addition to English.
    This kind of help targets new immigrants. In California , more than one-third of the Asian population is limited-English-proficient. Those who speak English less than very well are considered limited-English-proficient.
    Voting in the polls is confusing to new immigrants, said Assemblywoman Judy Chu ( D-Monterey Park ), representing one of the largest concentrations of Asians in the United States . In a community such as mine, where the majority are API, language appropriate materials make the difference.
    In the 2004 election, 83 percent of APA voters backed Chu in her re-election.
    Im proud to stand before you today, Chu said, as a result of the opportunity that the Voting Rights Act has given to all people of color.
    The assembly member called the act the most successful civil rights law in American history and one that is at risk.
    Across the party aisle, Assemblyman Van Tran (R-Garden Grove) also voiced his support. The 1965 Voting Rights Act was a critical part of providing the quality and opportunity for all Americans and I strongly support it. The provision that allows for federal monitors and also native language materials are important because our state is so demographically diverse.
    David Lee of the non-partisan Chinese American Voters Education Committee linked Chinese-language materials to political empowerment. There has been a boom to Chinese American registration here. It has been empowering and has led to Chinese American power in San Francisco .
    Congress is expected to debate the temporary provisions this fall. The renewal already has the support of Congressman James Sensenbrenner, a Wisconsin Republican.
    Eugene Lee, staff attorney at the Asian Pacific American Legal Center , said the bipartisanship is a positive sign.
    But theres always a risk that anti-immigrant sentiment will take its toll, he said.
    A report released last week by the National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium found continued problems for Asian American voters with limited English proficiency. The consortium studied 466 polling stations in Illinois , Texas , Washington and California during the 2004 election.
    Forty-six percent of the polling stations observed had multilingual voting materials that were inaccessible to those who needed them. In Los Angeles , the study found one poll worker sent an Asian American voter to the end of the line for causing too much trouble.
    We must work hard to make sure the Voting Rights Act is enforced, said Chu . It is being threatened and there must be a renewal.
    Key Provisions 
    Although the Voting Rights Act is permanent, some crucial provisions are not. Several are scheduled to expire in 2007 including Section 5 and Section 203.
    Section 5 This provision requires the approval of the U.S. Department of Justice or a federal court before any changes, including discriminatory redistricting or voter identification requirements, are made. Californian counties of Kings, Merced , Monterey and Yuba are covered by this section.
    Section 203 This provision requires that language assistance be available in communities that have a large population of limited-English speakers. This section was added to the act in 1975 and as of 2002, it covered 466 jurisdictions in 31 states. 
Amber Hsiao contributed to this story

8/11/05 Dallas Morning News: Latinos edge whites out of majority: Analysts say demographic shift will reshape Texas ,
by Dianne Solis
    Texas is officially a majority-minority state with a distinctly cafe-con-leche hue, thanks largely to Latino population growth.
    Non-Hispanic whites dipped under the majority mark in Texas , around July 2004, the U.S. Census Bureau said Thursday. And minorities now make up about 50.2 percent of the state's population, heralding further wide-ranging changes in commerce and culture, education and politics.
    Texas joins California , Hawaii and New Mexico as a majority-minority state. Five others Maryland , Mississippi , Georgia, New York and Arizona are next in line, with minority populations at about 40 percent, said the Census Bureau in a release Thursday. 
    There are other signs of sweeping change in the state. At Parkland Memorial Hospital , eight out of ten newborns are Latino, and the No. 1 radio station in Dallas now has Spanish lyrics. The bustling wholesale zone along Dallas ' Harry Hines Boulevard was recently rechristened the Asian Trade District, thanks to the influx of Asian immigrant entrepreneurs.
    And Asians, lacking in numbers, capture commercial limelight because of their high incomes and entrepreneurial might.
    In the case of Asian immigrants and Asian-Americans, the households simply earn more income than that of white households. 
    When told that minorities are now officially the majority, Texas Gov. Rick Perry said through a spokesman that he has worked to make sure that minorities have made up a third of all his appointments. 
    In Texas , about 30 percent of Anglos ages 25 and older are college graduates, compared with 15 percent for African-Americans and 8.9 percent for Hispanics.

8/10/05 Wall Street Journal: "FBI Sees Big Threat From Chinese Spies; Businesses Wonder Bureau Adds Manpower, Builds Technology-Theft Cases; Charges of Racial Profiling.  Mixed Feelings at 3DGeo,"
by Jay Solomon
    Washington -- Back in the 1980s, David Szady was among the premier Soviet spy catchers at the Federal Bureau of Investigation, studying every aspect of the Kremlin's mole network. Today, he's mobilizing agents across the country to sniff out spies from a new rival: Beijing .
    " China is the biggest [espionage] threat to the U.S. today," says Mr. Szady, now 61 years old and assistant director of the FBI's counterintelligence division.
    In one of their biggest initiatives after the fight against terrorism, the FBI and Justice Department have sent hundreds of new counterintelligence agents into the bureau's 56 field offices, many with a specific focus on China. There is a cloak-and-dagger element to some of this: A principal FBI team focusing on Chinese economic espionage, including some undercover operatives, occupies an unmarked floor in a Silicon Valley office park near a popular Chinese restaurant.
    But this is an altogether different battle from the one with the Soviets. Thousands of Chinese nationals regularly come to the U.S. as students and businessmen, some working for major U.S. defense contractors -- something the Russians could only have dreamed of during the Cold War. They are welcomed with open arms by universities and companies who prize their technical acumen and links to capital and low-cost labor back home.
    Chu Maoming, the spokesman for the Chinese embassy in Washington , calls the FBI's assertion that Beijing is coordinating spying activities inside the U.S. "totally groundless."
    Many people in Silicon Valley are concerned that the FBI is overreaching. Asian-Americans worry about a new wave of racial profiling and say the crackdown is reminiscent of the 2000 case of Wen Ho Lee, a Taiwan-born American scientist who was fired from his job at Los Alamos National Laboratory and was prosecuted for allegedly giving away nuclear secrets to Beijing . After months in solitary confinement, all the espionage charges were eventually dropped, though Mr. Lee pleaded guilty to a lesser charge of mishandling top-secret information.
    Business executives, meanwhile, fear a chill in commerce. "There's a bit of a disconnect between how the law-enforcement agencies see" the risk of espionage and how the business community does, says Harris Miller, the Arlington, Va.-based president of the Information Technology Association of America, one of the high-tech industry's principal lobbying groups. He says many U.S. companies are dependent upon manufacturing and conducting research in places like China -- and on the talents of Chinese employees.
    "There's a real advantage to work with foreign nationals, as they're very talented," Mr. Miller says. "You don't want to turn them away just because they are not born in the U.S. "
    Even some of the victims of alleged Chinese espionage have mixed feelings about the FBI's campaign.
    Software maker 3DGeo Development Inc. suspected it had a spy problem when it brought in for training Yan Ming Shan, an employee of one of 3DGeo's clients, state-owned oil company PetroChina Co. The Chinese oil giant had earlier sent an employee to train at 3DGeo's Santa Clara , Calif. , campus, but he was ejected after trying to gain access to the software company's secured systems. Mr. Shan then appeared and was expelled after doing the same thing. Mr. Shan was later arrested at San Francisco International Airport and accused of seeking to pass on some of 3DGeo's proprietary software programs to PetroChina.
    Mr. Shan, a Chinese national, was sentenced last December to two years in prison for illegally accessing 3DGeo's computers.
    Dimitri Bevc, 3DGeo's president, says the episode highlights a dilemma for the company, which is seeking to secure its intellectual property but also expand its business in Asia . "There's incredible demand from Chinese firms that are hungry for technology," says Mr. Bevc. "But we are built on our own intellectual property."
    Now Mr. Bevc is afraid his company is being punished in the Chinese marketplace. The company is still seeking payments from PetroChina for work completed in September 2001, says Mr. Bevc. Meanwhile, 3DGeo's sales representative told Mr. Bevc his Chinese sales prospects have been drying up. "What we heard back was...that 3DGeo did something wrong" by taking action against Mr. Shan, who served most of his sentence while awaiting trial and has since returned to China, says Mr. Bevc.
    PetroChina declined to comment on the case. Nicholas Humy, an attorney for Mr. Shan, said his client pleaded guilty only to illegally accessing 3DGeo's computer system and not to stealing the company's software or seeking to pass it on to a foreign entity. "The government never proved to a jury...that Mr. Shan was trying to commit industrial espionage," Mr. Humy said.
    October Trial
    On the military side, prosecutors at the San Jose , Calif. , offices of the Department of Justice are preparing for an October trial of two Silicon Valley residents. The pair were indicted in June 2004 for allegedly signing contracts with Chinese military-related entities to provide high-tech gear and consulting work for the mass production of thermal-imaging cameras. Technology industry officials say the case highlights the murkiness of export laws.
    The case involves Night Vision Technology Corp., a San Jose-based firm that procures infrared technology and other high-tech equipment for overseas buyers, particularly in Taiwan . The company is headed by Martin Shih, 62, a Taiwanese-Canadian executive with wide experience as an electrical engineer, working both in Canada and in California with satellite-communications company Loral Space & Communications Ltd. Mr. Shih's Taiwanese-American consultant, Philip Cheng, was also charged.
    Pretrial motions filed by the two men's attorneys speak to the belief of many in the technology industry that U.S. laws guarding technology exports are difficult to interpret because so often the technologies have legitimate commercial applications. They also say products like infrared cameras can't be blocked for export because they have numerous commercial applications, such as use in consumer-electronics items. The lawyers also point out that the equipment can be purchased on the open market in countries such as France .
    "The indictment does not allege -- and the government cannot plausibly argue" that the infrared products "were 'specifically designed, modified, or configured for military use,' " according to one of the motions by the lawyers, quoting from the indictment.
    An attorney for Mr. Shih, K.C. Maxwell, said her client would plead not guilty in the October trial. An attorney for Mr. Cheng, Matt Pavone, declined to comment.
    The FBI has had a difficult time making similar charges stick against other alleged Chinese spies. In May, Qing Chang Jiang, a Chinese national in the import-export business, was acquitted in a California court on charges of illegally selling microwave amplifiers, which can be used in radar and missile systems, to the Beijing government.
    The technology is involved in so many nonmilitary commercial applications that many companies aren't aware they need a license to export it, say attorneys who have worked on these cases. Mr. Jiang's lawyer says that the U.S. company he got the technology from, L-3 Communications Holdings Inc.'s Narda Microwave-West, told him he didn't need a license and so he went ahead with the sale.
    A spokeswoman for L-3 Communications declined to comment. But the U.S. Department of Commerce said L-3 Communications was aware an export license was required and that the company worked closely with the government on the case.
    Mr. Jiang was convicted on a lesser charge of making false statements to federal investigators and is currently awaiting sentencing in California . His attorney, Tom Nolan, believes the U.S. government is systematically targeting Asian businessmen. "They're trying to prevent Chinese industry from doing business in the U.S. ," he says.
    Asian-American community leaders note that the number of Asian-Americans applying for government research jobs plummeted after the Wen Ho Lee case, and warn of a similar mutually destructive chill now. "At a time when the U.S. government is so dependent on the scientific skills of our community, it seems crazy that they've taken steps that dampen our desire to serve," says Cecilia Chang, a Fremont, Calif.-based Asian-American activist who led many protests and donation drives for Mr. Lee.
    And that could have a big impact on American academia and commerce. About 150,000 Chinese students are currently studying in the U.S. , according to the FBI, and the number of new admissions has been rising. Nearly 64,000 Chinese students entered the U.S. last year, according to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, up from 55,000 in 1998. All told, about 700,000 Chinese tourists and business executives visit the U.S. each year.
    The swirl of suspicions and tensions between the FBI, China and the Chinese-American community has surfaced even among the bureau's own agents. Mr. Szady has made a point of hiring more Asian-Americans into his counterespionage network. Yet in the past two years, the FBI brought charges against two of its own Chinese-American employees in Los Angeles , accusing them of having aided Beijing . One case was thrown out this year and the other is pending.
    Mr. Szady acknowledges the inherent complexity of monitoring the Chinese community in the U.S. , and says he's trying to find a balance: "How do you protect without being overbearing?" But he argues that it's the Chinese government, not the FBI, that is blurring the lines between legitimate transborder commerce and national rivalry. He says that Beijing doesn't recognize the concept of Chinese-American. In the government's eyes, "they are all overseas Chinese," says Mr. Szady, a lanky former chemistry student dubbed the "Z Man" by his agents.
    Warming Relations
    Mr. Szady and other FBI experts believe China began intensifying its spying operations in the late 1970s, when warming relations between Washington and Beijing opened the way for hundreds of thousands of Chinese to begin visiting the U.S. annually. These analysts say units of the People's Liberation Army and China 's Ministry of State Security oversee intelligence operations, and that the state-run Institute of Applied Physics and Computational Mathematics has targeted U.S. weapons labs.
    In addition, the Beijing government runs an extensive, informal, decentralized spy network, counterespionage experts allege. In most cases, Beijing 's spy agencies don't send trained agents to the U.S. to penetrate companies and government agencies, but rather simply seek to glean information from the hundreds of thousands of Chinese who visit and study in the U.S. every year. They also try to get Chinese-Americans to provide information, appealing to their desire to help uplift China 's economy.
    "In almost all of its collections operations, China is not so much looking at opportunities for stealing things...as devising all sorts of opportunities for you to come to the conclusion that you would be willing to give at least some of these things," says Paul Moore, who was the FBI's top China analyst from 1978 through 1998. "It's the mundane, day-to-day contacts that are killing us, not the exotic spy operations."

8/9/05 San Diego Union Tribune:  Campaign is on to preserve internment camps of WWII,
by Michael Gardner
    Sacramento Bill Sugaya was born behind barbed wire, guilty only of being the son of Japanese-Americans in post-Pearl Harbor America . 
    He may have been too young to remember the internment camp in Utah , but 62 years later he vows never to let the country forget. 
    And that is why Sugaya is lending his voice to a campaign urging Congress to set aside $38 million to help shed more light on a dark chapter in U.S. history.    
    Some of the relocation centers are widely recognized, such as Manzanar in eastern California and Jerome in Arkansas . Others, however, remain underexposed. Few know of the plight of Japanese in Peru who were uprooted and held in Crystal Bay, Texas, for a possible prisoner exchange with Japan . 
    Near Pearl Harbor , cattle graze in a gulch where crumbling foundations are the only evidence of a bustling camp that once confined 1,500 Japanese-Americans.     
    "Their story has not been heard," said Jane Kurahara, a volunteer with the Japanese Cultural Center of Hawaii. "We are afraid this period of history will slip into oblivion." 
    Rep. Bill Thomas, a powerful Bakersfield Republican, is pushing the $38 million appropriation to preserve internment camps, buy sites in private hands and expand museum exhibits dedicated to telling the story. 
    "It's an important part of American history that showed the kind of things that could take place in wartime," said Sugaya, a San Francisco businessman. "It's important to understand the Constitution should be upheld no matter the problems the nation may experience." 
    California lawmakers have weighed in with a nonbinding resolution urging Congress to act. The measure flew through the Assembly on unanimous votes and is awaiting state Senate approval. 
    "It's the right thing to do, to confront our past. The camps should not be bulldozed and forgotten," said Assemblyman Johan Klehs, a San Leandro Democrat carrying the measure, AJR 23. 
    The U.S. House is expected to take up Thomas' appropriations bill, HR 1492, when lawmakers return from summer recess in early September. 
    Shocked by the devastating sneak attack on Pearl Harbor, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 in 1942 that authorized troops to round up 120,000 Japanese-Americans and forcibly dispatch them to camps scattered throughout the United States . Many lost homes and businesses. 
    "It is a significant opportunity to ensure the protection of the campsites and their availability to the public," said Irene Hirano, president of the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles . "There has been a great deal of interest in preserving the campsites. Unfortunately, there hasn't been the resources." 
    In testimony before a House resources committee, a leading National Park Service official said he opposed setting aside the money on the grounds that it would draw down limited funds available for other projects. 
    Michael Snyder, a deputy director, said the service is committed to preserving much of the history of the era. But, he suggested, "We could enhance the role we play in protecting the resources at a small cost without using limited National Park Service appropriations . . . " 
    Although the internment is documented in history books, there are under-told stories that must be told, say advocates of the measure. 
    For example, little is known about two camps in Hawaii , where those of Japanese heritage were held for nearly a year. 
    "People feel the experience was only on the mainland, but it did exist in Hawaii ," Hirano said. "It's a story that's not widely known, even in that state." 
    Crystal City, Texas, is not much more than a footnote either, Hirano said. The facility there housed hundreds of Peruvians of Japanese descent. They were uprooted from Peru and shipped to Texas as part of a plan by the U.S. government to use them to exchange for Americans held by the Japanese army.    
    More than 800 Japanese Latin Americans were included in prisoner-of-war exchanges with Japan in 1942 and 1943. The remaining Japanese Latin Americans were interned in the United States until the end of the war. 
    

8/5/05 San Francisco Chronicle: Oakland: New twist in roots of Chinatown,
by Rick DelVecchio
    New research on a little-known historic Chinatown in downtown Oakland is opening a hidden door on Chinese community life on California's urban frontier after the Gold Rush and providing a rare chance to preserve buildings and artifacts. 
    An archeological survey being conducted as part of a major redevelopment project near City Hall will catalog possible artifacts from the former Chinatown site at San Pablo Avenue and 20th Street . Activists are excited about the dig and hope that any significant finds might be put on permanent display. 
    The survey builds on documentary research by UC Berkeley scholars Anna Naruta and Kelly Fong. Naruta, an archaeologist, and Fong, who has roots in Oakland's Chinese American community, are interested in the pioneer Chinese who gathered in small enclaves and struggled to become integrated in the decades before the centralized Chinatown of today developed. 
    The researchers' work has struck an emotional chord not only in Oakland 's Chinese American community but also among other cultural groups in the city. 
    "There's something about buried history that's about human suffering that brings out the compassion in people," said Anne Huang, executive director of the Oakland Asian Cultural Center . "It has elicited very emotional responses from our community members. 
    Naruta and Fong's work shows that Chinese residents were rousted from place to place in the boomtown that was Oakland after the transcontinental railroad linked the two coasts. 
    But despite official racism that sought to save the best land and the best jobs for people of European stock and push those considered undesirable to the fringes, Chinese immigrants were able to grow with the city and achieve a measure of assimilation with other groups, the research shows. 
    "The integration of the Chinese community with the rest of the community is the one thing that keeps returning to me in my research," said Naruta, a post-doctoral student at Cal. "When we get into the primary research, we see people living together, working together." 
    Naruta and Fong's work is significant because it provides a fresh cultural viewpoint on a story that had been highly colored by the anti-Chinese sentiments reflected in the official record of the period between the Gold Rush and the early 20th century. 
    Their documentary evidence that the Chinese sustained a business district on San Pablo Avenue at 20th Street and spread elsewhere in Oakland as the city developed seems to contradict the bald racism of contemporary accounts of the Chinese, such as an 1875 Oakland Tribune story calling for board of health action on the Chinese-quarter "stink hole" that the paper claimed was plaguing a city enjoying rising property values. 
    Racism against the Chinese was part of the economic and social struggle that went on in a rapidly expanding America at the end of the 19th century, Naruta said. "It seems like one of the stories they were leading with was, 'Don't blame the robber barons, blame the Chinese laborers,' " she said. 
    "There are some striking similarities" to our own time, she said.
    Naruta and Fong say the little-known San Pablo Avenue Chinatown shows an important side to the city's Chinese heritage and should be memorialized as the neighborhood undergoes a new era of change. The San Pablo Avenue-20th Street Chinatown is within the boundaries of a redevelopment project that is set to transform nine city blocks uptown from City Hall into a new neighborhood with shops and 2,350 condos, apartments and student housing units.
    Among the oldest and culturally richest historic buildings in the redevelopment area are two wood-frame storefronts on San Pablo Avenue dating to the 1880s. Naruta and Fong say they are valuable because they housed a tailor shop and a laundry in what was by then a long-established uptown Chinatown . 
    "We're trying really hard to save these buildings," Fong said.
    Naruta, in a recent letter to the city's Landmarks Preservation Advisory Board, said the buildings represent early 20th-century social life and commerce "and provide a window into the long history of an integrated, multi- ethnic Oakland ."
    She has proposed that the structures be relocated and made part of a permanent site devoted to the neighborhood's Chinese heritage. Although no decision has been made by the city or the developer, Forest City Residential Inc., the site would display a sampling of any artifacts that may be unearthed in an upcoming archaeological survey. 
    Naruta and Fong's research builds on a 1982 book, "The Chinese of Oakland: Unsung Builders," and a 1974 dissertation by Cal geography student Willard T. Chow. 
    Chow's source was a 1952 newspaper article by Edward Chew, marking the 100th anniversary of Oakland 's incorporation. Chew was the son of Ng Poon Chew, a Christian minister who started a crusading Chinese newspaper in San Francisco in the first years of the 1900s.
    Chew moved his family to Oakland after the 1906 earthquake and would have been a contemporary of the merchants of the uptown Chinatown . "They had to have a European-American friend buy their house," Naruta said. "That was the law then." 
    The Chinese who settled in San Francisco and Oakland had been driven from the gold fields by the bigotry and racial violence of other miners, according to an historical summary by Archeo-Tec. They gathered in fishing encampments and later built larger villages in farming areas. One of these was at what is now 16th and 17th streets and Telegraph Avenue . 
    From the work of Edward Chew, Naruta learned that the Telegraph Avenue Chinatown burned down in 1867. The fire occurred at a time when city officials, anticipating the economic boom that would follow Oakland 's role as the Pacific terminus of the transcontinental railroad, had decided to extend a gas- lit Broadway and lay out streets east of 14th Street . In 1869, the city built a horse-car line from the waterfront to the Broadway-Telegraph Avenue intersection. 
    The city refused to allow the Chinese to rebuild after the fire, Naruta said. Instead, they were given a spot on the old Spanish road, San Pablo Avenue , on the marshy outskirts of town. 
    With the uptown area in line for redevelopment, Naruta knew that these secondary sources hinted at a compelling, timely story. But could she back it up with primary documents? 
    Fong, a Cal University Medal finalist with a 3.974 GPA in her senior year, stepped up to do the digging. Working at the National Archives in San Bruno and the Oakland History Room at the city's main library, she pulled 1870 census records, uncovered a Wells Fargo business directory from 1872 and reviewed fire-insurance and business partnership records. 
    Fong, 22, who will pursue her archeological studies at UCLA in the fall, was motivated in part by her concern that the biases in 19th century documentary history are a reflection that few Asian Americans have contributed to the field of archaeology. 
    She pieced together a picture of a Chinese neighborhood that established itself after the 1867 fire. The neighborhood resisted the harsh immigration policies of the time and a second eviction threat after the city decided to move City Hall uptown. 
    "Once they decided to build the new City Hall," Naruta said, "all of a sudden Chinatown was too close again."
    It's clear from Naruta and Fong's evidence of the persistence of Chinese names in neighborhood records that the attempt to sweep aside uptown Chinatown didn't immediately succeed. But eventually the Chinese district vanished and Oakland 's Chinese community concentrated at 8th and Webster streets -- the only Chinese neighborhood, Archeo-Tec says, that survived 150 years of persecution and relocation. 
    Naruta hopes that archaeological evidence from the site clearing for the new development will solve the mystery of the fate of Oakland 's uptown Chinatown .
    "How did it end?" she asked. "In what manner were they evicted?"

7/26/05 LA Daily Breeze: Torrance Democrat plans to run for Assembly seat,
    Councilman Ted Lieu is backed by Democratic leaders to fill the seat vacated by the death of his mentor, Mike Gordon. Two others file papers.
By Doug Irving
    State Democrats are counting on a young politician from Torrance to hold on to the Assembly seat left open by the death of Mike Gordon.
    Torrance City Councilman Ted Lieu announced Friday that he is joining the race to replace his late mentor in the California Legislature. He was introduced by Assembly Speaker Fabian Nunez, who said Lieu had the full support of the Democratic leadership.
    Potential candidates have let some of the election clock run down out of respect for Gordon, an El Segundo Democrat who died last month of a brain tumor. Voters go to the polls in just over seven weeks, on Sept. 13.
    Lieu has long been considered an up-and-comer in the state Democratic Party, even though his political resume is short. He has served a single term on the Torrance City Council, and also worked last year as a top strategist on Gordon's campaign.
    Nunez said he had met with three other potential candidates before deciding Lieu should get the nod. He declined to name the other three.
    Lieu comes into the race with credentials the Democrats hope to turn into votes. He has a background in law, a reputation as a moderate and a rank of major in the Air Force Reserves. He's a family man who announced his candidacy Friday as his 2-year-old son Brennan peeked out from behind the podium.
    And he lives in Torrance . The city represents about a third of the votes in the 53rd District, which stretches from Lomita to Venice . It has leaned Republican in the past.
    Lieu said he planned to focus on education, public safety, the environment and traffic and transportation. But he added that he has not had time to develop many specific policy suggestions around those general topics.
    He had been revving up a campaign for another term on Torrance 's City Council. With the election in June 2006, he already had raised more than $150,000 -- money he can roll into his Assembly race.
    "I want to make sure that my children and your children inherit a world better than the one we have," he told an audience of local officials gathered to kick off his campaign.

7/22/05 Los Angeles Times: UC Is Unbiased in Admissions, Analysis Finds: The university complies with federal and state law, regents are told. A 2003 study asked if some minorities were admitted improperly,
    By Rebecca Trounson, Times Staff Writer
    San Francisco University of California leaders, responding to concerns about possible racial disparities in admissions practices, told UC regents earlier this week that a new analysis shows the university to be unbiased in its admissions and in compliance with federal and state law.
    A report released in March 2004 had indicated that black and Latino high school students who applied to UC campuses the previous year were accepted in numbers somewhat higher than appeared warranted based on their grades, test scores and other factors.
    The disparities, which were relatively small, had raised questions about whether the schools were complying with Proposition 209, the 1996 state law that bans racial preferences in admissions and employment.
    On Wednesday, UC Provost M.R.C. Greenwood said new research, using what she said was a more reliable statistical method, eliminated or significantly reduced the previous disparities between expected and actual admissions rates. The new report examined data for freshmen admitted to UC in 2003 and 2004.
    The small remaining gaps, Greenwood said, amounted to statistical "noise."
    "I can say with some confidence there is at this point no large unexplained difference that would lead to concerns that the university has a problem complying with Proposition 209," Greenwood said.
    Questions about UC's admissions practices were raised in 2003 by Regent John J. Moores, who released a report critical of admissions at UC Berkeley. That analysis, which Moores wrote, found that nearly 400 students were admitted to UC Berkeley in 2002 with SAT scores substantially below the campus norm while hundreds with very high scores were rejected.
    Moores and other critics questioned whether a new admissions policy, first used in 2002, had weakened the academic caliber of UC students. They also asked whether the policy, which allows admissions officers to consider personal factors alongside academic ones for each applicant, was an attempt to sidestep the state's ban on the use of race in admissions decisions. UC officials have denied that.
    On Wednesday, Moores , in a slightly testy exchange with Greenwood , continued to raise questions about UC admissions, particularly what he called a lack of openness about the process. But he said after the meeting that he accepted the provost's explanations for the remaining differences.
    Greenwood also presented preliminary demographic information for this fall's freshman class.
    She said Asian American students were expected to make up about 40% of the class and white students nearly 34%. Latino students will represent about 16%, with black students making up about 3%, she said.

7/19/05 iBerkshires.com (North Adams, MA): Wong's New Book Recounts Struggles, Successes of Early Chinese Americans,
    Williamstown - K. Scott Wong's new book, "Americans First: Chinese Americans and the Second World War," focuses on Chinese Americans during the 1930s and through the Second World War and the different journeys second-generation Chinese Americans took in response to the conflicting pressures of American racism, American values, and America's developing relationship with China during the War.
    The book combines the personal accounts of more than 100 people as well as meticulous research of the Chinese American press during the second generation's growth.
    Beginning with the arrival of Chinese in the 1800s, Wong details the struggles they faced in developing a cultural and national identity in America . Strict immigration laws, calls for deportation, and exclusionary acts against the Chinese slowed the influx of Chinese Americans, preventing a full second generation from developing until the 1930s.
    This cohort, though mostly American-born, still faced social and economic boundaries associated with their grandparents. Most were denied jobs and forced to seek refuge from racial and language barriers in scattered Chinatowns , then the cultural and economic centers for Chinese Americans.
    Some considered returning to China , where economic prosperity might have been easier to come by for someone of Chinese descent. Yet, as Wong writes, Chinese Americans felt "the desire to claim a place in America ," meaning "the choice between remaining in America and trying their luck in China was fraught with conflict and ambivalence." Inevitably, while some returned, the remaining Chinese American community strove to establish a place for themselves in the States.
    Although "many exhibited a strong identification with mainstream American youth culture" and "immigrants and their offspring had come to the point of strong identification with American society and culture," Wong writes that Chinese Americans ultimately made their ascension into American society during the War while riding the wave of anti-Japanese sentiment. The Chinese American press even encouraged people to make clear their Chinese descent to avoid being confused as Japanese. The result was the beginnings of Chinese Americans sculpting the image of the "good Asian" that remains in the American cultural mindset to this day.
    The book also details the efforts of prominent Chinese American military personnel in the American armed forces during World War II. Wong focuses particularly on the achievements of the Fourteenth Air Service Group, which eventually had the largest concentration of Chinese American personnel in the Armed Forces. In addition, he documents the contributions made by Chinese Americans, especially women, in the various defense industries on the homefront. Wong also charts the differences between how Chinese American communities developed during the War in both American Mainland and Hawaii .
    The war bred camaraderie and community among Chinese Americans that wrought kinship in postwar decades and instilled in many a greater confidence and self respect as they gained larger roles in American society. Though the Chinese still faced obstacles to complete acceptance in America , they were tied to the land through their contributions in the war, and in the end, this connection established them as true Americans.
    Wong is professor of history at Williams College . In addition to this book, Wong is co-editor of "Privileging Positions: The Sites of Asian American Studies" and "Claiming America: Constructing Chinese American Identities during the Exclusion Era." He is the author of more than a dozen articles on Chinese American history.
    His honors include the 2001 History and Social Sciences Book Award from the Association for Asian American Studies, support by the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the Immigration History Society's Carlton Qualey Award for the "most outstanding article published in the Journal of American Ethnic History during a two year period."
    In addition to Williams, he has taught at Wesleyan University , Doshisha University in Kyoto Japan , and was a research fellow at the East-West Center in Honolulu .  He received his B.A. in Asian studies from Rutgers University in 1976 and his Ph.D. in history from the University of Michigan in 1992.

7/14/05 Indolink.com: U.S. Senate Honors First Indo-American Congressman,
    Washington , DC - The U.S. Senate, last week unanimously voted to honor former Riverside and Imperial County Congressman Dalip Singh Saund by naming the U.S. Post Office at 30777 Rancho California Road in Temecula , California , in his honor. President Bush is expected to sign the bill into law in the coming days.
    Saund, a Sikh, was the first Asian American and first Indian American member of the U.S. House of Representatives who represented California . Mr. Saund, originally from India , served as congressman from 1957 to 1962.
    "The 'Dalip Singh Saund Post Office Building' will honor an American who followed his dream to the United States , broke barriers, and served as a representative of the people," said Congressman Darrell Issa who authored, H.R. 120, the legislation honoring Rep. Saund. "This Act of Congress will preserve Congressman Saund's legacy and honors the success of all immigrants from India and their accomplishments."
    Born in the village of Chhajulwadi in India 's Punjab province in 1899, Dalip Saund came to the United States in 1920 to study at the University of California , Berkeley , where he earned a doctorate in mathematics. For nearly 30 years he was a successful farmer in Imperial Valley . During this time, Saund began fighting discriminatory laws against Indians. 
    In 1949, he and other Indians finally earned the right to become U.S. citizens. In 1952, Saund was elected and served for four years as justice of the peace in Westmorland , California . Dalip Saund made history in 1956 when he became the first Asian elected to Congress. Dalip Saund was elected to the House of Representatives and represented the 29th congressional district during the Eighty-fifth and the two succeeding Congresses. Saund's political career was cut short when he suffered a stroke while campaigning for a fourth term. 
    "Dalip Saund's story is one of determination and true accomplishment," said Congressman Bobby Jindal (R-LA) who last November became only the second Indian-American elected to Congress. "He personifies the idea that every person can, through hard work and dedication, achieve amazing heights." 
    We thank the U.S. Senate and Congress for honoring the true hero of America . Honor to Mr. Saund is a matter of special pride for Sikhs in the U.S. His life, struggle and success continue to inspire the American Sikhs to work hard to create a place of respect and admiration for their community. He is not only a symbol of hope and inspiration for all South Asians but he is the most loved and remembered leader in California , said Dr. Rajwant Singh, Chairman of the Washington based Sikh Council on Religion and Education. 
    Dr Singh added, This is particularly important for Sikhs during these times when we have faced prejudice in the wake of the tragedy of 9/11. Sikhs have contributed in American life from last 100 years and we are determined to be involved in the affairs of our country. Despite the racism that he faced, Saund was determined to struggle for better immigration rights and to end racial discrimination. In Mr. Saunds own words, One day, just three days before the election, a prominent citizen who was opposing me bitterly saw me one morning in the town restaurant. There must have been some fifty people in there having their breakfast when he came up to me and said in a loud voice: Doc, tell us, if youre elected, will you furnish the turbans or will we have to buy them ourselves in order to come to your court? My friend, I answered, you know me for a tolerant man. I don t care what a man has on top of his head. All Im interested in is what hes got inside of it.

7/11/05 press release: Decline in Asian American & Pacific Islander TV Journalists Disappoints AAJA: Latest RTNDA Employment Survey Also Shows Lack of AAPI Radio/News Directors
    San Francisco/PRNewswire/ -- The Asian American Journalists Association has expressed disappointment at the further decline in the number of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders working in television newsrooms and the continued lack of news directors in radio.
    According to the just-released 2005 RTNDA/Ball State University Annual Survey, Asian Americans made up only 1.9 percent of the total television news workforce, down from 2.2 percent last year. "There is clearly very little progress, as this year's number is even lower than the number we had in 1995," according to Rene Astudillo, executive director of AAJA.
    The 2005 survey also indicated that the number of Asian American television news directors remained unchanged.
While the number of Asian Americans working in radio newsrooms increased slightly from last year's 0.2 percent to 0.7 percent this year, the percentage of Asian American radio news directors has remained at zero since 1995.
    Stanton Tang, AAJA's vice president for broadcast, said that "these numbers are especially disappointing because the barriers that keep Asian Americans from entering and succeeding in journalism are the same barriers that prevent their rise to high-profile on-air positions and in news management."
    For many years now, AAJA has been proactive in addressing the issue of the lack of AAPIs in broadcast news. "Over the years, we have awarded more broadcast scholarships and internships and have implemented several initiatives such as our broadcast mentor program, AAJA radio network for members and a DVD featuring AAPI male television anchors. As always, we are eager to partner with RTNDA and the broadcast companies to ensure that AAPIs are better represented in broadcast news," said Astudillo.
    About AAJA
    The Asian American Journalists Association is a non-profit professional and educational organization with more than 2,300 members today. Founded in 1981, AAJA has been at the forefront of change in the journalism industry. AAJA's mission is to encourage Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) to enter the ranks of journalism, to work for fair and accurate coverage of AAPIs, and to increase the number of AAPI journalists and news managers in the industry. AAJA is an alliance partner in UNITY Journalists of Color, along with the Native American Journalists Association, National Association of Hispanic Journalists, and National Association of Black Journalists.

7/11/05 Asian Week: Criticizing Patriot Act Lands Manlin Chee, Asian American Lawyer, in Jail,
by Yu-Yee Wu
    Having spent almost three decades offering legal service to immigrants, Chinese American immigration attorney Manlin Chee is now getting used to serving time instead.
    Chee had been a nationally recognized lawyer for her work with immigrants, some of it pro bono, and much of it for Muslims, but things soured for her soon after she appeared on a panel discussing the PATRIOT Act in March 2003.
    The public forum at the main library in Greensboro , North Carolina was televised and attracted a large audience. Chee argued passionately that the PATRIOT Act violated the Bill of Rights and threatened the civil rights of immigrants and U.S. citizens.
    "I'll never forget when Manlin joked that she had good news and bad news for the audience," recalls Tim Hopkins, an attendee. "She said that the bad news is that those people taking pictures of the audience are from the FBI. The good news is that they are coming after the panelists first. It was prophetic."
    Indeed, within weeks the FBI began investigating Chee, says her attorney Locke Clifford. Clifford says the FBI had no record of complaints against her. But the agency began combing through thousands of Chee's case files. They even went back to her own citizenship application. The agents interviewed her clients and employees for over a year, until they indicted Chee for immigration fraud on June 26, 2004.
    It was a dramatic fall for the successful attorney who once had offices in three cities and thousands of clients. The American Bar Association awarded Chee its public service award in 1991, which was presented to her by U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor.
    She also received the 1990 William L. Thorp Pro Bono Award by the North Carolina Bar Association. The Triad Business News called her "one of the foremost immigration attorneys in North Carolina if not the country."
    Many think that it was her political views that caused Chee's troubles.
    "She was outspoken about the impact of the PATRIOT Act on the Muslim community and American citizens," says Badi Ali, President of the Islamic Center of the Triad and Muslims for a Better North Carolina. Chee also demonstrated her support of the Muslim community by wearing Muslim garb on Fridays, says Chee's youngest daughter, Leia Forgay. Forgay says it was symbolic.
"She was letting people know that she will stand with them figuratively and literally."
    However, fellow Greensboro immigration attorney, Gerry Chapman, questions whether Chee was targeted for her views. "There are attorneys in North Carolina who have spoken out against the PATRIOT Act and against targeting of Muslims, and the vast majority of them have not been investigated and indicted." He adds that he thinks Chee overextended herself. "Manlin's got a good heart, but she was trying to do too much for too many people."
    Attorney Anita Earls, director of Advocacy of the University of North Carolina Center for Civil Rights in Chapel Hill , points out that other immigration attorneys have engaged in worse practices -- and they were not investigated." She believes Chee was "singled out because of a combination of the clients she served and the fact that she was outspoken in her opposition to the war."
    The FBI's strongest evidence came from two sting operations, the first one within weeks after Chee had participated in the PATRIOT Act forum, says Clifford. The informants posed as needy Muslims. One informant wanted to pretend he was gay so he could seek asylum, and the other informant wanted a sham marriage to get his green card. Chee was indicted for filing papers on behalf of both.
    According to Forgay, the informants wouldn't stop asking for Chee's help: "My mom told them that there's nothing I can do, but they kept coming back to her and she couldn't say no. She always tries to help -- she went ahead and submitted the papers to try. She would feel worse if she didn't try."
    Chee's former client and good friend, Melinda Macasero agrees. "Manlin had a hard time when she first came to the U.S. , so she knows how hard it can be," Macasero says. "If you're an immigrant and you're a client of hers, she would go the extra mile to help."
    Says Clifford, "Manlin never said no to anybody and the FBI probably said to themselves that if we run someone in there with a sad story, Manlin will probably take the bait."
    Chee now admits she was "foolish" for succumbing to the sham entreaties. She describes one informant as being "intimidating," constantly calling, going to her office, and badgering her when she avoided filing the papers for months. Feeling "pushed" and suffering from an anxiety disorder, Chee finally relented under the pressure.
    "Manlin did have some depression," says her close friend, Amelia Leung. "Her mental health does affect her sense of judgment sometimes."
    During Chee's prosecution, a diverse group of community members rallied around her and formed the Manlin Chee Defense Committee, taking out a full-page ad in the local paper in her support (see sidebar). Notably missing, however, was a public outcry from the local Chinese community.
    Meiling Yu, cultural promotion director of the Greensboro Chinese Association, says her organization just didn't know enough. "Because the charges are about her practice, which we are not familiar with, we didn't feel we had enough information to speak out in support of her." She notes the impression that Chee was targeted for her outspokenness, but as a nonprofit, they did not feel they could make a political statement.
    "I can understand why they wouldn't speak out," says Macasero. "You are dealing with the government, and [people] are afraid they are going to get in trouble."
    Ultimately, Chee pleaded guilty to the charges from the stings. Her daughter Leia, insists Chee pleaded guilty to keep her family together. The FBI had also indicted and charged Chee's oldest daughter, Chernlian, because she was a paralegal in Chee's office. Chernlian, who has an upcoming wedding, decided to cooperate with the prosecution: She would get probation if she pleaded guilty, but she would have to testify against her mother.
    The anger in Leia's voice is palpable when she discusses the effect of her sister's decision. "My mom did the selfless thing and pleaded guilty to keep our family from tearing apart because she felt that this was a time when we needed to stick together. ... The hardest thing is not living without my mom, but living with the tension in the house because of my older sister and what happened."
    Chee, however, fought all charges involving her work for real clients. Calling those charges "horsefeathers," Chee states, "I would rather rot in jail than to plead to charges where I prepared documents like every other lawyer in the country." Immigration expert Ira Kurzban agreed, testifying at Chee's sentencing hearing that her labor certification filings were like those of other attorneys.
    Chee never went to trial. The federal prosecutor suddenly dropped all remaining charges against her, after she decided to plead guilty. On March 3, 2005, Judge James A. Beaty sentenced Chee to a year and a day in prison beginning April 22 at Alderson Federal Prison Camp in West Virginia , better known as Martha Stewart's prison. Chee will be unable to attend her daughter Chernlian's wedding in September.
    A former U.S. Dept. of Justice Civil Rights attorney, Earls believes the government was making an example of Chee.
    "The U.S. Attorney's office was certainly trying to send a message," she says. "Bringing down someone who previously had a strong reputation as an aggressive advocate is much more attractive to the U.S. Attorney's office than someone who doesn't aggressively stand up for immigrant rights."
    Chee has been on disability inactive status since April 2004 with the State Bar of North Carolina due to her mental health issues and cannot practice law. However, her youngest daughter, Leia, seems fiercely determined to take up her mother's torch and fight for the rights of immigrants. "Immigrants are often neglected in the law and in the community," Forgay observes. "You can't just leave out certain groups just because there are tensions with their community."
    The sixteen-year-old admits that previously, she did not want to be a lawyer because she hardly saw her mother, who was working all the time. Forgay has changed her mind. "Now, after seeing what happened to my mom, they may be able to stop her, but they can't stop me from helping people who need it."

7/6/05 Maui News: DNC Vice Chairman Honda: Party in paradigm shift,
By Ilima Loomis
    Kahului The Democratic National Committee is trying to get back to its roots and reinvest in its local chapters, DNC Vice Chairman Mike Honda told Maui Democrats Tuesday.
    He pledged that the national party would stop treating solidly Democratic states as sources of funds for presidential campaigns, and instead focus on leading and galvanizing Democrats precinct by precinct, county by county, state by state. 
    We want to go back to our base and let you know we messed up, we took you for granted, were sorry and we want to connect with you again, the California congressman told a luncheon crowd of about 175 at the Maui Beach Hotel. 
    For its part, the DNC is sending Democratic leaders like Honda to spread the word and gather information from local party chapters, and in Hawaii it has proposed funding four paid local staffers to help run the party. 
    And the role of party Chairman Howard Dean is being redefined from that of fundraiser to leader and pacesetter, said Honda, who described the party as undergoing a paradigm shift. 
     You cannot capture the White House without the grass roots, he said.
    Honda, who was confined with his family in a California internment camp during World War II, said an atmosphere of racial prejudice, war hysteria and the failure of political leadership led to the internment of Japanese-Americans, and that such persecutions should not be allowed to happen again. 
    But he said the same climate exists in the wake of the 2001 terrorist attacks, and that Republicans are not listening to Democrats message of moderation and civil rights. 
    This countrys about all of us, he said. All of us should be included in this country, and I have to tell you its not happening. 
    Taking questions from audience members, Honda said that documents showed there was collusion between President George W. Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair months before the war in Iraq. Asked if Bush could be impeached for taking the country to war, Honda said more information was needed but added, My personal opinion? Yeah. 
    On the issue of job outsourcing, Honda said the problem was complicated, because many Americans arent willing to pay more for locally made products. 
    He felt companies should be required to meet certain conditions before being allowed to move jobs overseas.
    Its not the most popular answer for Democrats, but its the most honest answer I have for you, he said.
    Asked why Democrats werent more outspoken in responding to the Republican message, Honda replied that as members of the minority party, they didnt have the pulpit. 
    He urged party members to turn to the Internet for information and communication, saying independent online media could give minority groups a voice. 
    Just because you dont see it on the mainstream news doesnt mean theyre not saying something, he said.