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11/13/06: Allen's Slur Against Asian American
Cost Him Election for U.S. Senate
According to CNN poll figures, Virginians cast 2,364,217
votes in the
U.S. Senate race. 3% of the votes (70,926) were cast by Asian Americans. 68%
of the Asian Americans voted Democratic, while 32% voted Republican. 68 - 32 =
36. 70,926 x 36% = 25,534 votes.
Democrat Jim Webb won the Senate race by only 7,231 votes.
If Asian Americans had voted 50-50, Webb would have lost and
the Republicans
would still control the Senate.
In August 2006, incumbent Senator George Allen (R) had
referred to S. R. Sidarth as "Macaca." Sidarth is a 20-year-old
Indian American attending the
University
of
Virginia
.
He was born and raised in
Fairfax
County
.
The word "macaca" refers to a type of monkey
commonly found in Africa and
Asia
.
In certain French-speaking societies, it is an ethnic slur against people with
dark skin;
Allen's mother is an immigrant of French Tunisian descent.
According to the Washington Post, Allen's remarks thrust his
past which includes
a youthful admiration of the Confederate flag and an office that once displayed
a noose
back into the public spotlight.
Statistics from 11/13/06 www.80-20.us e-mail and CNN exit
polls: http://www.cnn.com/ELECTION/2006/pages/results/states/TX/S/01/epolls.0.html
11/9/06 New America Media; Asians in Eight States Favored Dems, Nixed
Michigan Affirmative Action Ban,
New York Asian American voters in eight states continued
a decade-long shift towards Democratic candidates, with 79 percent of those
polled favoring Democrats in Tuesday's congressional and state elections. They
also rejected an affirmative action ban that won in
Michigan
.
Preliminary results of a nonpartisan, multilingual exit poll
of over 4,600 Asian American voters, released by the Asian American Legal
Defense and Education Fund, showed Asian American voter turnout helping
Democratic candidates in closely watched races in
Virginia
,
New Jersey
and other states.
Most exit poll respondents (87 percent) said that they had
voted in a previous election, while 13 percent said they were first-time voters.
Over 625 pro bono attorneys, law students and community activists monitored
polling places and surveyed Asian American voters in New York, New Jersey,
Massachusetts, Michigan, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, and
Washington, D.C.
Margaret Fung, AALDEF executive director said, Asian
American voters reacted to sharp ideological differences among the candidates
and displayed their awareness of party labels.
Fung added that the decade-long trend of Asian American
voters favoring Democrats contributed to the dramatic shifts in political
power that took place in Tuesday's midterm elections."
Exit Poll Survey Highlights
Virginia
-- The exit poll of more than 250 Asian American voters showed 76 percent voted
for Democratic senatorial bet Jim Webb, 21 percent voted for incumbent
Republican Sen. George Allen, and 3 percent voted for Glenda Parker. After
maintaining a slim lead, Webb was declared the winner by 0.3 percent of the
total vote (49.6 percent) beating Allen (49.3 percent). Allen is best known
among Asian Americans for his derogatory macaca remark to a South Asian
campaign worker.
New Jersey -- this heated Senate race, among more than 370
Asian Americans polled, 77 percent voted for incumbent Sen. Robert Menendez,
while 20% voted for Republican challenger Thomas Kean Jr.a 57-point margin.
Among all
New Jersey
voters, Menendez held his seat by an 8-point margin (53 percent to 45 percent).
Maryland
-- In
Maryland
's open Senate seat, among over 200 Asian American voters polled, 73 percent
chose Democrat Ben Cardin, with 24 percent for Republican Michael Steele, and 3
percent for Green Party candidate Kevin Zeese. Among the general electorate, 55
percent voted for Cardin, 44 percent for Steele, and 2 percent for Zeese.
Pennsylvania
-- Among more than 200 Asian American voters polled in
Philadelphia
, 71 percent voted for Democratic candidate Bob Casey, while 29 percent voted
for Republican incumbent Sen. Rick Santorum. Among all voters, 59 percent voted
for Casey and 41 percent voted for Santorum.
Massachusetts
-- Democratic gubernatorial candidate Deval Patrick, who became the nation's
second African American elected governor, received support from 75 percent of
more than 350 Asian American voters polled in
Boston
, Dorchester,
Lowell
and
Quincy
, with Kerry Healey receiving 21 percent. Statewide, 56 percent voted for
Patrick, and 35 percent voted for Healey.
Michigan
Proposal 2 -- Rejecting claims that Asian Americans are hurt by affirmative
action programs, three in four Asian American voters voted No to Proposal 2,
which seeks to end race- and gender-based affirmative action programs in
education, hiring, contracting and health initiatives. More than 300 Asian
American votersincluding Arab Americansparticipated in AALDEFs exit
poll survey in
Michigan
. Proposal 2 passed by a wide margin, 58 percent to 42 percent.
Illinois
-- Democratic incumbent Gov. Rod R. Blagojevich defeated his Republican
opponent Judy Baar Topinka with a 10-point lead, 50 percent to 40 percent. In
contrast, 99 percent of the 170 Asian Americans polled in
Chicago
voted for Blagojevich, with 1 percent for Topinka.
New York
-- Of over 2,300 Asian American voters polled in
New York City
, 82 percent voted for Democratic candidate for attorney general Andrew Cuomo.
Republican contender Jeanine Pirro received 14 percent of the Asian American
vote, with 4 percent voting for other candidates. Cuomo led Pirro 58 percent to
40 percent among all voters statewide.
AALDEF has been conducting a nonpartisan exit poll of Asian
American voters for 19 years. Volunteersthe majority of whom spoke one of 15
Asian languages or dialectsconducted the multilingual survey, which was
translated into nine languages: Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, Khmer, Bengali,
Arabic, Punjabi, Urdu, and Gujarati.
11/9/06 aaa-fund.org: In Nevada, which
recently became one of the early-primary states in
the 2008 presidential election, 4.6% of the voting-age population is Asian
American.
Between 1990 and 2000, the population of
Nevada
increased by 66%, but the Asian
American population increased at a rate almost four times as large.
9/25/06 Press of Atlantic City: Asian-American families hard work pays
off,
By Timothy Puko
Fonny Lau and her husband, Siu Poy Lau, own their own
business selling satellite
television subscriptions and wholesale gifts. Their daughter is getting a
masters degree
in education, and Fonnys brothers are two doctors and a scientist.
Alvin Ongs father was a doctor, and he raised a doctor, a
surgeon, a lawyer and a
doctor-to-be. Man Ching and Cheong Ming Chan have never had white-collar
jobs since
arriving in the
United States
about 40 years ago. They work at casino restaurants in
Atlantic City and on those wages, about $60,000 combined, have supported three
children, putting two through college so far.
Most of their life is spent working, said John Chan,
the oldest of their three sons.
They did this consistently, seven days a week, and money, any income they got
was
either saved or invested in me to buy items.
At 28 years old, John Chan has an apartment in
Jersey City
, works as an electrical
engineer at ITT Electronic Systems in
Clifton
and already makes about as much money
each year as his parents do combined. His youngest brother is still in high
school, but
the middle child is a Web designer with Vonage.
The success of all these Asian-American families is rather
common. Despite a large
wealth gap across racial lines in the United States that finds most minorities
on the
wrong side, Asian households surpassed even those of white Americans in their
median income in 2005, according to Census figures.
Across the country, the state and
Atlantic
and Ocean counties, data released last
month by the U.S. Census bureau do not vary in this area. The median
Asian-American
household in the state had an income of $85,723 last year. The median income of
all
New Jersey
households was $61,627.
There are ugly stereotypes (for Asian Americans), but they
arent mostly the ones that
keep you out of prosperity, said Barbara Robles, one of the authors of The
Color of
Wealth, a book released this summer by United for a Fair Economy. We
actually say
this is an example of what can happen when the obstacles disappear.
The data do not necessarily mean that Asian Americans are
richer than everyone else.
Whites still made more, individually, than did Asians about $2,500 more in
Atlantic
County
and
New Jersey
last year, according to Census data.
Economists point out that Asian households are larger than average,
trailing only
Hispanic families, according to Census data. Most Asians live in the most
expensive
areas of the country and are they are less likely than whites to be employed as
the
highest-paid corporate executives.
But the differences in median income across races are still
stark. Asians and
Hispanics in
Atlantic
County
have similar household sizes, but Asian households made
almost twice as much.
The median Asian household in the county earned $63,514. The
median Hispanic
household earned only $36,394. Black households earned even less: a median
income
of $30,075.
It means (Asian Americans) are well off. Theres no
denying that, said James W.
Hughes, dean of
Rutgers
Edward J. Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy.
Hughes and many others suggest the value of education in many
Asian cultures as
the impetus for this phenomenon. Asians have the highest high school and college
graduation rates in the state.
More than 65 percent of Asian Americans older than 25 have
bachelors degrees,
according to the Census Bureau. The next highest group was whites, with 35.2
percent
owning bachelors degrees.
Asians value education, very much so, said Ong, 39 of
Linwood. They value it more
than politics; they value it more than money. Family and education are key.
Ong, who is Chinese, lived with grandparents in the
Philippines
until he was 9. He
then moved to
New York City
to be with his parents, who had immigrated when he was
still a baby.
His father was a doctor with a family practice in the city.
Ong, who attended the
University
of
Pennsylvania
and then the State University of New York Stony Brook
School of Medicine, is now an orthopedic doctor at the Rothman Institutes
office in
Egg
Harbor
Township
.
Asian fathers are different, he said. They say, You
have to get 100 on your school
(test). I dont need you to be an athlete, you have to do well at school.
Their heroes arent necessarily Babe Ruth. Theyre
Albert Einstein or a famous
violinist or a famous doctor.
But the same emphasis that is often placed on supporting the next
generation is
also placed on supporting the community. Businesses like laundries, restaurants
and
grocery stores that are historically linked with segments of the Asian community
have
been opportunities for the community to hire workers from within itself.
Philip Hoang, 44, immigrated from
Vietnam
in 1975. Three years ago, he bought a
house for him and his two children and Mays Landing.
It took him 20 years to save enough money for the purchase,
and most of that time
he spent working in restaurants. Before moving to Atlantic City, where he has
since
worked in restaurants at Ballys Atlantic City and Borgata Hotel Casino &
Spa, he
would always be employed by or build partnerships with other Asian businessmen.
Stories like Hoangs stem from the larger history of Asian
immigrants in the
United
States
, the authors of The Color of Wealth said.
In spite of, or because of, the marginalization of Asians,
within ethnic enclaves,
there was a high degree of self-sufficiency and wealth creation, as business and
service enterprises owned by Asians and serving Asian consumers sprang up,
the
book says.
The book also builds an argument that there is a connection,
often ignored,
between public policy and wealth. It credits the GI Bill, designed to help World
War II
veterans pay for college, as being one of the most important government acts in
helping increasing middle class wealth after the war.
While Asians had often been victims of discriminatory taxes
and citizenship laws,
Asians could benefit from the GI Bill, which allowed their culture value of
education to
flourish. Blacks and Latinos were mostly excluded, a factor that played a large
role in
the wealth disparity, the book says.
Traditional Asian family values also had been encouraged in
previous decades
by discriminatory policies. While Asian immigrants could not become citizens,
after
the Civil War their children could, encouraging them to invest more in their
childrens
lives than their own.
Although the Laus, Ongs and Chans immigrated about 100 years later,
the cultural
values have yet to change.
My income might not be high, Fonny Lau says, but
hopefully my daughters and
sons will be.
9/19/06 INDOlink News Bureau: Asian-American
Buying Power Tops $427 Billion
New York
, Sept. 19, 2006 - Per new statistics released earlier this month by the
Selig
Center
for Economic Growth at the
University
of
Georgia
, Asian consumer
annual buying power in the
United States
has reached $427 billion, representing
a 59% increase since the beginning of the decade. Furthermore, Asian buying
power has the second fastest projected rate of growth, slightly behind Hispanic
buying power. By 2011, Asian buying power will grow 46% over the current
benchmark to reach $626 billion.
Reflecting the Asian population distribution by state which
was recently
documented in the Census Bureau's 2005 American Community Survey (ACS),
California
and
New York
remain in first and second place for annual Asian
buying power, with $140.5 billion and $41.5 billion respectively.
New Jersey
's Asian buying power has now reached $26.8
billion, followed by
Texas
with $25.9 billion. Remaining states on the top-10 list include (in rank
order):
Hawaii
($20.4 billion),
Illinois
($18.7 billion),
Washington
($13 billion),
Virginia
($12.6 billion),
Florida
($12.2 billion), and
Massachusetts
($10.9 billion).
These state figures have grown significantly in the last five years. According
to
Jeff Humphreys, director of the
Selig
Center
, only six states had more than
$10 billion in Asian buying power in 2000, whereas 11 states have already
reached that benchmark in 2006.
Although the
financial services, automotive, and telecommunications sectors
have long recognized the value of Asian consumers in their marketing programs,
many marketers in other categories have yet to consider the viability of Asian-
targeted programs. Such categories include consumer packaged goods,
pharmaceutical, travel & leisure, retail, and consumer electronics, among
others.
The Selig data also
highlights one important characteristic of the Asian
American market that many marketers frequently overlook - namely, that Asian
consumers wield a disproportionately larger clout in terms of their purchasing
power than the absolute size of the Asian population would otherwise imply.
"Most often, marketers hesitate in considering Asian programs because they
overly focus on the comparatively smaller size of the Asian population vis--vis
the larger Hispanic and African American audiences," said Saul Gitlin,
Executive Vice President - Strategic Services, Kang & Lee Advertising.
"However, while the Asian population may be only one third the size of the
Hispanic population, Asian annual buying power already represents 53% of
Hispanic buying power. Similarly, since 2000, the total Asian population of the
country has grown by almost 20% (per ACS), but Asian buying power growth
has outpaced Asian population growth three-fold in the same period. As such,
when evaluating whether or not to consider developing an Asian American
marketing program, many marketers should transcend a mere analysis of
Asian population size in order to better understand the viability and potential
bottom-line impact of the opportunity," concluded Gitlin.
9/12/06 Associated Press:
Where you live linked to life expectancy,
By Lauran Neergaard
Washington - Where you live, combined with race and income,
plays a huge
role in the nation's health disparities, differences so stark that a report
issued
Monday contends it's as if there are eight separate Americas instead of one.
Asian-American women living in
Bergen County
,
N.J.
, lead the nation in
longevity, typically reaching their 91st birthdays. Worst off are American
Indian
men in swaths of
South Dakota
, who die around age 58 three decades sooner.
Millions of the worst-off Americans have life expectancies typical
of developing
countries, concluded Dr. Christopher Murray of the Harvard School of Public
Health.
Asian-American women can expect to live 13 years longer than
low-income
black women in the rural South, for example. That's like comparing women in
wealthy
Japan
to those in poverty-ridden
Nicaragua
.
Compare those longest-living women to inner-city black men, and the
life-
expectancy gap is 21 years. That's similar to the life-expectancy gap between
Iceland
and
Uzbekistan
.
Health disparities are widely considered an issue of minorities and
the poor
being unable to find or afford good medical care.
Murray
's county-by-county
comparison of life expectancy shows the problem is far more complex, and that
geography plays a crucial role.
"Although we share in the
U.S.
a reasonably common culture ... there's still a lot
of variation in how people live their lives," explained Murray, who
reported initial
results of his government-funded study in the online science journal PLoS
Medicine.
Consider: The longest-living whites weren't the relatively wealthy,
which
Murray
calls "
Middle America
." They're edged out by low-income residents of the rural
Northern Plains states, where the men tend to reach age 76 and the women 82.
Yet low-income whites in Appalachia and the
Mississippi
Valley
die four years
sooner than their Northern neighbors.
He cites American Indians as another example. Those who don't
live on or near
reservations in the West have life expectancies similar to whites'.
"If it's your family involved, these are not small differences
in lifespan,"
Murray
said. "Yet that sense of alarm isn't there in the public."
"If I were living in parts of the country with those sorts of
life expectancies, I
would want ... to be asking my local officials or state officials or my
congressman,
'Why is this?'"
This more precise measure of health disparities will allow federal
officials to
better target efforts to battle inequalities, said Dr. Wayne Giles of the
Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, which helped fund
Murray
's work.
The CDC has some county-targeted programs like one that has cut
in half
diabetes-caused amputations among black men in
Charleston
,
S.C.
, since 1999,
largely by encouraging physical activity and the new study argues for more,
he
said.
"It's not just telling people to be active or not to
smoke," Giles said. "We need
to create the environment which assists people in achieving a healthy
lifestyle."
The study also highlights that the complicated tapestry of local
and cultural
customs may be more important than income in driving health disparities, said
Richard Suzman of the National Institute on Aging, which co-funded the research.
"It's not just low income," Suzman said. "It's what
people eat, it's how they
behave, or simply what's available in supermarkets."
Murray
analyzed mortality data between 1982 and 2001
by county, race,
gender and income. He found some distinct groupings that he named the
"eight
Americas
:"
_Asian-Americans, average per capita income of $21,566, have a
life
expectancy of 84.9 years.
_Northland low-income rural whites, $17,758, 79 years.
_Middle
America
(mostly white), $24,640, 77.9 years.
_Low income whites in
Appalachia
,
Mississippi
Valley, $16,390, 75 years.
_Western American Indians, $10,029, 72.7 years.
_Black
Middle America
, $15,412, 72.9 years.
_Southern low-income rural blacks, $10,463, 71.2 years.
_High-risk urban blacks, $14,800, 71.1 years.
Longevity disparities were most pronounced in young and
middle-aged adults.
A 15-year-old urban black man was 3.8 times as likely to die before the age of
60 as an Asian-American, for example.
That's key,
Murray
said, because this age group is left out of many government
health programs that focus largely on children and the elderly.
Moreover, the longevity gaps have stayed about the same for 20
years despite
increasing national efforts to eliminate obvious racial and ethnic health
disparities,
he found.
Murray
was surprised to find that lack of health
insurance explained only a small
portion of those gaps. Instead, differences in alcohol and tobacco use, blood
pressure, cholesterol and obesity seemed to drive death rates.
Most important, he said, will be pinpointing geographically
defined factors
such as shared ancestry, dietary customs, local industry, what regions are more
or
less prone to physical activity that in turn influence those health risks.
For example, scientists have long thought that the Asian longevity
advantage
would disappear once immigrant families adopted higher-fat Western diets.
Murray
's study is the first to closely examine second-generation Asian-Americans,
and found their advantage persists.
9/7/06 The UCLA Asian American Studies Center: The New Sleeping Giant in
California Politics: The Growth of Asian Americans
by Letisia Marquez
Los Angeles
,
CA
(September 6, 2006) In the 1980s and 1990s, Hispanics were
considered the sleeping giant in
California
politics because of their growing numbers.
Asian Americans are now the new sleeping giant and are at a point where
Hispanics
were about two decades ago.(1)
They have significantly increased their potential power
at the polls in
California
, according to an analysis conducted by researchers affiliated
with the
UCLA
Asian
American
Studies
Center
and with the UC AAPI (Asian American
& Pacific Islander) Policy Initiative. The analysis uses data from the 2005
American
Community Survey (ACS) released on August 15 and 29, 2006 by the U.S. Census
Bureau, along with previously released data from the Census Bureau.(2)
The number of Asian Americans in
California
eligible to register to vote (citizens who
are 18 and older) climbed by over a half million between 2000 and 2005, from 2
million
to 2.5 million. The Asian American share of the a proportion of the state's
population
eligible to register as voters increased from 10% to 12% during this time
period.
Two factors behind the emergence of the new sleeping giant
are the overall increase
in the total Asian American population and the higher rate of citizenship.
Between 2000
and 2005, the number of Asian Americans residing in
California
s households increased
from 3.8 million to 4.7 million, accounting for 38% of the net gain of 2.2
million persons
in
California
s population.(3)
Along with population growth, Asian Americans experienced an
increase in their
citizenship rate -- 71% of Asian American adults are
U.S.
citizens by birth or
naturalization, representing an increase from 67% in 2000.(4)
These figures show
that Asian Americans are not an alien population, but a population that has
become
fully integrated into American society through citizenship.
The growth in the potential Asian American electorate over the last
five years is a
continuation of a pattern that began in the 1990s. In 1990, there were slightly
more than
one million Asian American adult citizens, comprising about 6% of all adult
citizens in
the state.(5)
If recent trends continue, there will be over 3 million Asian American adults
eligible to register to vote by the end of the decade, making up about 14% of
all
Californians eligible to register.
The growth in the absolute number of Asian Americans and those
eligible to become
voters can have political ramifications. California State Assembly Member Judy
Chu
states that the overall growth of the Asian American population will open up new
opportunities and challenges:
"The incredible growth of Asian Americans in
California
and in the
United States
brings as much opportunity as it does challenges. Asian Americans continue to
contribute to the cultural diversity and economic success of this nation, but
the growing
population also means that public services and elected representation will need
to
grow to accommodate the unique needs of our community."
Community leaders point to the potential impact on a number of
public policy issues.
Vivian Huang, Legislative Advocate of Asian Americans for Civil Rights &
Equality,
states,
"With increasing population growth, Asian Americans are poised to
dramatically
escalate their political representation and power in politics and highlight key
issues
important to the community, such as civil rights, immigrant rights, and access
to language assistance."
This opinion is widely shared by other community leaders, including
Lisa Hasegawa
(Executive Director of the National Coalition for Asian Pacific American
Community
Development), JD Hokoyama (President & CEO of Leadership Education for Asian
Pacifics, Inc.), and Elena Ong (former member, California Commission for Women).
According to Professor Don Nakanishi, a political scientist and
director of UCLAs
Asian American Studies Center,
"This growth has contributed to the increasing number of Asian
American state and
local elected officials in
California
and nationwide. The Asian American political
infrastructure of voters, donors, politicians, and community groups has also
undergone
remarkable growth and maturation, and will likely have an increasingly
significant
impact on state and national politics."
However, there are still barriers to fully translating the
population numbers into voting
power. According to Paul Ong, an economist and professor in UCLAs
School
of
Public
Affairs
, The challenge is to convert the growing numbers of Asian American citizens
into voters. Previous research and data for
California
from the 2002 and 2004
November Current Population Survey show that Asian American citizens are less
likely to register and vote than non-Hispanic whites and African Americans.(6)
(See Table 3.)
For the upcoming November elections, community activists have
focused on voter
registration and voter-turnout drives. David Lee, Executive Director of the
Chinese
American Voters Education Committee, notes
"Our bilingual voter registration efforts
are yielding record numbers of Asian American voters in the immigrant community.
Thanks to absentee ballots Asian American voter turnout has been growing
rapidly."
Leading Asian American scholars believe that this group can become
an effective
voting bloc by formulating a common political agenda both among Asian Americans
and across racial lines. The Asian American population is culturally,
linguistically
and economically heterogeneous. Despite these divisions, Professor Yen Le
Espiritu,
a sociologist in the department of Ethnic Studies at UC San Diego notes that,
history
has shown that Asian Americans can overcome differences to build viable
pan-Asian
political coalitions to promote and protect both their individual and their
united interests.
Moreover, Professor Michael Omi, professor of Ethnic Studies at UC Berkeley,
predicts, different racial and ethnic groups will increasingly see the
necessity of
defining areas of common political concern and mobilizing significant voter
blocs to
wield political power."
The UCLA Asian American Studies Center is the nations leading
research center
in the field of Asian American Studies and houses a
Census
Information
Center
, which
will continue to analyze data from the ACS as they become available.
The UC AAPI Policy Initiative brings together
University
of
California
researchers
and community organizations to conduct research focusing on the policy concerns
of the AAPI community. Attachments: Graphs; Tables; Technical Note; Contact
Sheet
(1) In 1990, Hispanics made up 14% of adult citizens in
California
. In 2005, Asian
Americans approach that level, with 12% of
California
s adult citizens.
See Table 2: Percentages of
California
adults who are eligible to register to vote by
race.
(2) See technical note.
(3) The 2005 American Community Survey covered only
individuals living in
households, that is, it excluded those living in institutions, college
dormitories, and
other group quarters. In
California
, Asian Americans represented over 13.4% of the
total population in 2005, an increase from 11.8% in 2000.
California
s population grew
by 2.2 million (33 million to 35.2 million), with the Asian American population
growing
by over 850,000 (3.8 million to 4.7 million). Nationally, the Asian American
percentage
of the nation's population grew from 4% to 4.8%, an increase of over 3 million
Asian
Americans (10.8 million to 13.8 million). The national population increased by
over
14 million persons, with Asian Americans accounting for more than 20% of this
national population increase.
(4) See Graph 1.
(5) See Graph 2.
(6) The national statistics for Asian American citizens are very
similar, and there
is very little difference in the statistics for
U.S.
born Asian American citizens and
naturalized Asian Americans.
9/7/06 India-West:
Indians Largest Asian Group in U.S. Outside the West,
by Richard Springer
Asian Indians are now the largest Asian American group in the
combined area of
the Midwest, Northeast and South in the
United States
, according to recently released
data from the Census Bureau's 2005 American Community Survey (I-W, Aug. 25).
While nationwide Chinese Americans are the largest Asian
American population
with 2,882,257 - ahead of 2,319,222 Indian Americans and 2,282,872 Filipinos -
Chinese are numerous in the West.
The ethnic Chinese population in the Western states,
including those born in
Taiwan
and
Hong Kong
, is 1,361,065 compared with 564,927 Asian Indians.
But in the South, Asian Indians lead all Asian groups with
370,553, followed by
278,590 for the Chinese. Indians are also more numerous than Chinese in the
Midwest
390,643 to 256,705, while Chinese have a larger population in the Northeast -
834,701
to 738,676.
Asian Indians have increased more than 640,000 from the 2000
census when they
numbered 1,678,765 (See table). Asian Indians also jumped 73,938 from 2004, when
the last American Community Survey was conducted. Census officials cautioned
that
the numbers in the ACS, unlike the Census, are based on estimates.
Populations nationwide for some other Asian American groups
in 2005 are:
Vietnamese, 1,418,334; Korean, 1,246,240; and Japanese, 833,761.
California
still leads all states with the most Asian Indians with 449,722. In more
than 20 states Asian Indians are the largest Asian group.
In
New Jersey
, for example the 228,250 Asian Indians, up from 169,180 in 2000,
far surpass the second largest Asian group, the Chinese, who number 122,931.
In
Georgia
, Indians double the total of the second and third largest Asian groups
combined, the Koreans (37,900) and the Vietnamese (37,159). In
Illinois
, Indian
Americans are the largest Asian group with 157,126, followed by the Filipinos
with
103,059 and Chinese at 90,569.
(Note: In the Aug. 25 issue of India-West, the article on the
American Community
Survey had the wrong totals of India-born for some states, counties and cities.
The
totals listed for those states, counties and cities were actually the estimates
from the
ACS on all Asian Indians, not just the India-born. For the correct numbers of
both the
India-born and total Asian Indians by state in the 2005 ACS, see table. The
total
number of 1,422,492 India-born mentioned in the Aug. 25 issue in the ACS survey
is the correct figure. -- R.S.)
8/18/06 New York Times: Asian American
Students Increase in Top New York Schools;
Blacks and Hispanics Decline [re-written to remove liberal bias]
Over the last ten years, Asian American enrollment at
New York
s three most elite
specialized high schools:
Stuyvesant
High School
, the Bronx High School of Science
and
Brooklyn
Technical
High School
. White enrollment has declined at
two of the three
schools. Even though the city
created a special institute ten years ago to prepare black
and Hispanic students for the entrance exam, the percentage of such students has
declined.
The drop mirrors a trend recently reported at three of the
City University of New Yorks
five most prestigious colleges, where the proportion of black students has
dropped
significantly in the six years since rigorous admissions policies were adopted.
Supporters of the entrance exam, which tests verbal and math
skills, say it ensures
that admissions are based on merit, while critics argue that elite colleges
would never
judge applicants on test results alone.
The Asian American population has reached as high as 60.6
percent at Bronx Science,
up from 40.8 percent 11 years ago.
During 2005-6, blacks made up 4.8 percent of the Bronx
Science student body,
according to city figures, down from 11.8 percent in 1994-95, when the institute
was
created. At
Brooklyn
Technical
High School
, the proportion of black students has declined
to 14.9 percent from 37.3 percent 11 years ago, and at Stuyvesant, blacks now
make up
2.2 percent of the student body, down from 4.4 percent.
Hispanic enrollment has also declined at the three schools,
as has white enrollment at
two of the three although it has risen at Brooklyn Tech.
Over all, Hispanic students are the largest group in the
citys schools at 36.7 percent,
and black students are next at 34.7 percent. The 1.1 million-student system is
14.3 percent
Asian and 14.2 percent white.
In 1971, the State Legislature passed a law requiring that
entrance to the specialized
schools be determined by competitive examination alone.
For years, exclusive public schools throughout the country
have been places where
advocates of strict, color-blind standards have clashed with proponents of
racial diversity.
Courts imposed a race-based admissions system on the
Boston
Latin
School
, but a
federal appeals court struck the system down. In the 1990s, Chinese-American
families
whose children were rejected from
San Francisco
s selective
Lowell
High School
sued;
the resulting settlement reversed a citywide admissions system that took race
into account.
8/14/06 Sacramento Bee: Trial judges don't reflect state's diversity, bar
says,
by Aurelio Rojas
Sacramento As California has become one of the most
ethnically diverse states in
the nation, so has its Legislature. But one branch of state government has been
slow to
change: the courts.
Whites account for less than half the state's population, but
slightly more than 82 percent
of the lawyers and the same percentage of trial judges, according to the State
Bar.
To be a judge currently requires membership in the State Bar for at
least 10 years,
a criterion met by relatively few Latinos, Asian-Americans and
African-Americans.
While nearly a third of Californians are Latino, they account for
only 7 percent of the
judges. Asians comprise about 11 percent of the population and 5 percent of the
judiciary; African Americans 6 percent of the population and a little more than
5
percent of the judges.
But Mike Belote, a lobbyist for the California Judges Association,
said the pool
of judicial candidates is too small to make a comparison based on population.
"It's not fair to say the bench doesn't reflect the diversity
of the state, because you
can't just pick anyone," Belote said.
Of the 429 superior court judges in
Los Angeles
, 116 (27 percent) are ethnic
minorities, according to the Judicial Council.
Governors wield far more influence than voters over who sits on the
bench.
Gov. Gray Davis' most lasting legacy may be his judicial
appointments. The
Democrat picked a greater percentage of female and minority judges than any
other governor in state history.
When he left office in 2003, after being recalled,
Davis
had appointed 360 judges.
Women and minorities each made up about a third of his appointments.
Latinos fared particularly well, accounting for 45 of the judges
appointed by
Davis
.
Sabrina Lockhart, a spokeswoman for Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger, said the
percentage of minority judges named picked by Schwarzenegger is higher than
their
representation in the State Bar.
Of the 176 appointments the governor has made thus far, 7.4 percent
identified
themselves as Asian-Americans, 6.3 percent as Latinos and 3.4 percent as
African-
Americans.
High School
|
|
Boys
|
Girls
|
|
Asian American
|
73.1%
|
79.6%
|
|
White
|
72.4%
|
77.9%
|
|
All
|
65.2%
|
72.7%
|
|
Hispanic*
|
50.1%
|
59.9%
|
|
African American
|
44.3%
|
57.8%
|
|
American Indian
|
42.7%
|
47.5%
|
*any race
Source: Education Week, 6/23/06 Dallas Morning News
| University Degrees |
Bachelor |
Masters |
Professional |
Doctorates |
| Whites (non-Hispanic) |
17% |
6% |
1% |
0.5% |
| Blacks (non-Hispanic) |
10% |
3% |
0.6% |
0.4% |
| Hispanics |
6% |
1.5% |
0.5% |
0.3% |
| Asian/Pacific Islanders |
27% |
8% |
2.2% |
2.4% |
Source: US Census Bureau, 2002 data
http://www.census.gov/population/socdemo/education/ppl-169/tab01.xls
5/23/05 Asian American Legal Defense and
Education Fund (AALDEF):
Multilingual Exit Polls Show How Asian Americans Voted in 2004
In the 2004
national election, Asian American voters, despite diverse
backgrounds and languages, voiced common concerns across ethnic lines,
citing the economy /jobs as the most important factor in their vote for
President
and civil liberties as the most important civil rights issue. More than
one-third
(38%) of those polled were first-time voters, and almost one-half (46%) needed
language assistance in order to vote.
Many exit poll
respondents in the poll encountered serious voting barriers, with
hundreds of voters directed to the wrong poll site and hostile or poorly trained
poll
workers making racist remarks to Asian American voters.
The Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF)
released
these findings from its national multilingual exit poll of almost 11,000 Asian
American voters in the November 2004 Election, the largest nonpartisan survey of
its kind in the nation.
In a prepared
statement to the press, AALDEF Executive Director Margaret
Fung said, Multilingual exit polls reveal vital information about Asian
American
voting patterns that are regularly overlooked in mainstream voter surveys. This
report demonstrates that Asian American voters are increasingly cohesive across
ethnic lines. And because so many Asian Americans are first-time voters,
language assistance at the polls should be expanded under the Voting Rights Act,
to promote
greater civic participation.
The organization's
publication, "The Asian American Vote 2004: A Report on
the Multilingual Exit Poll in the 2004 Presidential Election," provides a
snapshot of
the voter preferences of Asian Americans in 20 cities in 8 states:
New York
,
New
Jersey
,
Massachusetts
,
Rhode Island
,
Michigan
,
Illinois
,
Pennsylvania
, and
Virginia
.
The five largest Asian groups surveyed in 2004 were Chinese (46%), South Asian
(25%), Korean (14%), Southeast Asian (6%), and Filipino (5%). Of this group, 82%
were foreign born and 29% had no formal
US
education. More than a third (38%)
were first-time voters. The report contains numerous tables and charts that
describe
the party enrollment, English proficiency and issue preferences of first-time
voters, foreign-born voters, women voters, and young voters.
Specific highlights of
the report include:
Economy/jobs was
the most important issue to Asian Americans in voting
for President. Overall, the most
important issues for voters were Economy/Jobs
(26%), followed by the War in
Iraq
(16%), Terrorism/Security (16%) and Health Care
(14%). Asian Americans who voted for Kerry were most influenced by the Economy/
Jobs (29%), followed by the War in
Iraq
(18%) and Health Care (15%). Among Bush supporters, the most important factors
influencing their vote for President were Terrorism/Security (33%), Economy/Jobs
(18%), and the War in
Iraq
(11%).
Asian Americans
shared common political interests, even across ethnic
lines. Regardless of ethnicity, almost all Asian ethnic groups voted as a
bloc for the
same candidates and identified common reasons for their vote. Civil Liberties
was
the top choice for each ethnic group, when voters were asked to select the most
important civil rights/immigrants rights issue from the following choices:
Affirmative
Action, Civil Liberties, Deportation/Detention, Hate Crimes, Immigration
Backlogs, Language Barriers to Services, Legalization of Immigrants, Racial
Profiling, Voting/
Political Representation, and Workers Rights.
Asian Americans
turned to ethnic media outlets for their main source of
news. More than half (51%) of all
respondents got their news about politics and
community issues from the ethnic press, rather than from mainstream media
outlets.
The ethnic newspaper was the most common source among those using ethnic media.
Over one-third (36%) of voters got their news from ethnic media sources in Asian
languages.
Language assistance
and bilingual ballots are needed to preserve access
to the vote. 41% of Asian Americans expressed that they were limited-English-
proficient. Just 14% identified English as their native language. A number of
poll sites
were mandated to provide bilingual ballots and interpreters under the federal
Voting
Rights Act; other jurisdictions voluntarily provided language assistance. In the
2004
elections, almost a third of all respondents needed some form of language
assistance
to vote. The greatest beneficiaries of language assistance (46%) were first-time
voters.
AALDEF Staff Attorney
Glenn Magpantay noted that many exit poll respondents encountered serious voting
barriers, with hundreds of voters directed to the wrong poll
site and hostile or poorly trained poll workers making racist remarks to Asian
American voters. AALDEF received more than 600 complaints of voting problems,
including
numerous instances of Asian American voters being improperly required to show
identification. Magpantay said, It is critical that civil rights laws are
vigorously enforced,
so that Asian Americans are not denied their fundamental right to vote.
AALDEF has conducted
exit polls of Asian American voters in every major election
since 1988. Over 5,000 Asian New Yorkers and 3,000 Asian voters in 4 states (NY,
NJ,
MA, MI) were surveyed in AALDEFs 2000 and 2002 exit polls, respectively.
Based on findings from
the 2004 exit poll and AALDEFs election monitoring efforts
over the past decade, AALDEF will be advocating for the reauthorization of the
Voting
Rights Act in 2007, including expanded provisions for language assistance under
section 203; more voluntary assistance in jurisdictions with growing Asian
American populations that are limited-English-proficient; and the removal of
barriers that deter
new citizen voters from exercising their right to vote, including the
discriminatory
application of ID requirements under the Help America Vote Act (HAVA).
The 2004 multilingual
exit poll was conducted in 23 Asian languages and dialects.
AALDEF worked with the
following co-sponsors to mobilize 1,200 attorneys, law
students, and volunteers to conduct the multilingual exit poll and to monitor
polling
places for incidents of voter discrimination: Asian American Bar Association of
New
York, Asian Pacific American Agenda Coalition, Asian Pacific American Legal
Resource Center, Boston Asian Students Alliance, Chinatown Voter Education
Alliance, Chinese Progressive Association, Harry H. Dow Memorial Legal
Assistance
Fund, Korean American Resource and Cultural Center, Korean American Voters
Council of NY/NJ, Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights-Boston, National Asian
American Student Convention, National Korean American Service and Education
Consortium, Providence Youth and Student Movement, Organization of Chinese
Americans-Detroit Chapter, South Asian American Voting Youth, South Asian
American Leaders for Tomorrow, Vietnamese American Initiative for Development,
and Young Korean American Service and Education Center.
Copies of the report
can be obtained online at aaldef.org
or by calling the Asian
American Legal Defense and Education Fund at 212.966.5932.
5/6/905 High Plains Journal: Census Reveals Asian-American Farmers Sold
Over $2 Billion in Ag Products,
Omaha (DTN) -- According to the 2002 Census of Agriculture,
U.S. farms and
ranches with operators reporting their race as Asian sold a total of $2.26
billion
in agricultural products. Released in June 2004, the Census reported sales of
$2 billion in crops and $254 million in livestock and poultry for Asian farmers.
The average value of products sold per farm was $270,000.
Conducted every
five years by the U.S. Department of Agriculture's National Agricultural
Statistics
Service (NASS), the Census of Agriculture is the only source of consistent,
comparable and detailed agricultural data for every county in
America
.
"We recognize the importance of providing more detailed
data on minority
farm operators and operations in the
U.S.
, and are pleased to provide
information specifically on Asian farmers for the first time," announced
Ron
Bosecker, Administrator of NASS.
As reflected in the reported amount of agricultural sales,
the primary source
of revenue for Asian farmers in the
U.S.
comes from crop operations. Almost
75 percent of all Asian farms produce crops in three commodity categories:
fruit,
tree and nut farming (3,422 farms); greenhouse, nursery and floriculture (1,589
farms); and vegetable and melon farming (1,203 farms).
While 10,300 Asian farms were reported nationwide, the Census
indicated
that most Asian farms are located in the following five states:
California
with
4,022 farms;
Hawaii
with 2,969 farms;
Florida
with 557 farms;
Texas
with 440
farms; and
Washington
with 385 farms.
In terms of acreage, the top five states were:
California
with 529,162 acres;
Hawaii
with 157,235 acres;
Texas
with 130,153 acres;
Montana
with 83,107
acres; and
Oregon
with 70,068 acres. The total acreage of farmland operated
by Asian farmers was 1,448,061 acres. On average, an Asian farmer operated
118 acres of land.
In 2002, it was reported that 8,375 farms and ranches had an
Asian principal
operator; of these farms 1,283 reported an Asian woman as principal operator.
The average age of an Asian principal operator in the U.S. is
55.2 years-old,
almost identical to the U.S. average age of 55.3 years-old for all operators. Of
all Asian principal operators, 64 percent listed farming as their primary
occupation, compared to only 58 percent of all
U.S.
principal operators who
listed their primary occupation as farming.
Most Asian operated farms and ranches, 77.6 percent, were
family or
individually owned, rather than partnership or corporation. This is less than
the
reported 89.7 percent of all farms in the
U.S.
that are family or individually owned.
5/2/05
The UCLA Asian American Studies Center, as an official U.S.
Census
Information
Center
(as a co-partner with National Coalition for
Asian Pacific
Community Development), is pleased to provide this 2005 statistical portrait of
the Asian American and Pacific Islander populations produced by the US Census
Bureau for Asian Pacific American Heritage Month in May. The portrait provides
current census data, population projections, and internet links that should be
useful for research, planning, writing and general educational purposes. Please
see the "Editor's note" at the end of this announcement for more
information. The
first section provides information on "Asians," while the second part
highlights
"Native Hawaiians and Other Pacific Islanders".
I. Asians
Education
50%
The percentage of Asians, age 25 and over, who have a bachelor's degree or
higher level of education. Asians
have the highest proportion of college graduates
of any race or ethnic group in the country. The corresponding rate for all
adults in
this age group is 27 percent.
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/education/001
863..html>
88%
The percentage of Asians, age 25 and over, who are high school graduates. The
corresponding rate for all adults in this age group is 85 percent.
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/education/001863..html>
19%
The percentage of Asians, age 25 and over, who have an advanced degree (e.g.,
master's, Ph.D., M.D. or J.D.). The corresponding rate for all adults in the age
group
is 9 percent.
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/education/001863..html>
Languages
2.2 million
The number of people who speak Chinese at home. Next to Spanish, Chinese is the
most widely spoken non-English language in the country. Also among the top 10
most
frequently spoken languages are: Tagalog (1.3 million); Vietnamese (1.1
million);
and Korean (966,959).
http://factfinder.census.gov/>
(Table: P034, 2003 ACS)
Coming to
America
8.7 million
The number of
U.S.
residents who were born in
Asia
. Asian-born residents comprise
one-fourth of the nation's total foreign-born population.
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/foreignborn_population03969.html>
52%
The percentage of the foreign-born from Asia who are naturalized
U.S. citizens.
The corresponding rate for the foreign-born population as a whole is 38 percent.
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/foreignborn_plation/003969.html>
1.7 million
The estimated number of foreign-born people from
China
. Next to
Mexico
,
China
is the
leading country of birth for the nation's foreign-born. Also among the top 10
countries of
birth for the foreign-born population are the
Philippines
,
India
,
Vietnam
and
Korea
.
http://factfinder.census.gov/>
(Table: PCT027, 2003 ACS)
Serving Our Nation
276,000
The number of Asian-American military veterans.
http://factfinder.census.gov/>
(Table: P056D, 2003 ACS)
Counties
1.3 million
The number of Asians in
Los Angeles County
,
Calif.
, which tops the nation's counties.
This county also experienced the largest numerical increase of Asians (76,700)
from
2000 to 2003.
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/population/002897.html>
Age Distribution
Twenty-six percent of people identifying themselves as either Asian or
Asian in
combination with one or more other races are under 18; 8 percent are 65 or over.
II. Native Hawaiians and Other Pacific Islanders
959,603
The estimated number of
U.S.
residents who say they are native Hawaiian and other
Pacific islander or native Hawaiian and other Pacific islander in combination
with
one or more other races. This group comprises 0.3 percent of the total
population.
There are 282,500 native Hawaiians or other Pacific islanders in
Hawaii
, which leads
all states.
Hawaii
is also where native Hawaiians and other Pacific islanders make up
the largest proportion (23 percent) of the total population.
California
had the largest
numerical increase of native Hawaiians and other Pacific islanders (12,700)
since
April 2000.
http://www.census.gov/Press-Releases/www/releases/archives/population/002897.html>
Education
16%
The percentage of native Hawaiians and other Pacific islanders, age 25 and
older,
who have at least a bachelor's degree.
http://factfinder.census.gov/>
(Table: PCT035E, 2003 ACS)
82%
The percentage of native Hawaiians and other Pacific Islanders, age 25 and
older,
who are high school graduates.
http://factfinder.census.gov/>
(Table: PCT035E, 2003 ACS)
4%
The percentage of native Hawaiians and other Pacific islanders, age 25 and
older,
who have obtained a graduate degree.
http://factfinder.census.gov/
(Table: PCT035E, 2003 ACS)
Languages
27,160
The number of people who speak Hawaiian at home.
http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/lang_use.html>
Serving Our Nation
There are 25,000 veterans who are of native Hawaiian and other Pacific
Islander heritage.
http://factfinder.census.gov/> (Table: P056E, 2003 ACS)
Counties
186,200
The number of native Hawaiians and other Pacific islanders who live in
Honolulu
County
,
Hawaii
, which has the largest population of this race
of any county in the
nation.
Bronx County
,
N.Y.
, registered the largest numerical increase of native
Hawaiians and other Pacific islanders (4,100) between 2000 and 2003.
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/population/002897.html>
Age Distribution
33%
The percentage of the native Hawaiian and other Pacific islander population that
is
under 18; 5 percent are 65 or over.
http://www.census.gov/popest/national/asrh/NC-EST2003/NC-EST2003-04-10.pdf>
Note: Whenever possible, data are provided separately for Asians and for native
Hawaiians and other Pacific islanders.
Editor's note: Some of the preceding data were collected in surveys and,
therefore,
are subject to sampling error. Questions or comments should be directed to the
Census Bureau's Public Information Office at (301) 763-3030; fax (301) 457-3670;
or e-mail pio@census.gov
Don T. Nakanishi, Ph.D.
Director and Professor
UCLA
Asian
American
Studies
Center
3230 Campbell Hall
Los Angeles
,
CA
90095-1546
310.825.2974
fax:310.206.9844
e-mail:dtn@ucla.edu
web site for Center: www.sscnet.ucla.edu/aasc
1/7/05 The Boston Globe: Asian Americans Slow to Embrace Politics,
By Yvonne Abraham
Sam Yoon, the first Asian-American to run for Boston City Council,
can tick off Asian-Americans who have ventured onto the political stage in
Massachusetts on just one hand: a Newton alderman, a Lowell city councilor, a
Randolph selectman, a couple of others who took a stab at office and didn't
succeed.
Though Asian-American communities across the state are growing,
they are not making themselves heard in the political arena. Voter registration
levels among Asian-Americans lag, and relatively few Asian-Americans run for
office, which further depresses political participation, Yoon and others said.
"There's a kind of chicken-vs.-egg problem," said
Yoon, director of housing at the Asian Community Development Corporation, in
Boston
's
Chinatown
. "A lot of Asians don't participate in politics because they don't see
themselves reflected in political or governmental institutions."
A report released this week suggests the extent of the problem. In
the 11 largest
Massachusetts
cities and towns with sizable Asian populations, only 25.5 percent of
Asian-Americans are registered to vote, compared with 62 percent of the total
adult populations in those communities.
That is in part because so few Asian-Americans in those cities and
towns are citizens, said Paul Watanabe, director of the Institute for Asian
American Studies at the
University
of
Massachusetts
at
Boston
and one of the authors of the study. Fully 71.8 of the Asian-Americans in the
communities studied were born outside the
United States
, the highest rate of any immigrant group in the state.
"A major explanation for the lower registration rates is that
a significant number of [Asian-Americans in
Massachusetts
] are foreign born, and thus a significant proportion have to go through the
naturalization hurdle," he said.
But even among Asian-Americans who are citizens, "there
remains a considerable disparity between their registration rates and those of
the general population," the report read. Eligible Asian-Americans are
registered to vote at a rate of 51 percent, Watanabe said, compared to 74
percent of the eligible population as a whole.
The rate of registration is not consistent among the cities and
towns, however. In
Lowell
, which has a large and well-established Cambodian population and a popular
Asian-American city councilor in Rithy Uong, better than three out of four
Asian-American citizens are registered, a rate that is slightly higher than the
eligible population as a whole. In
Quincy
, home to Chinese and Vietnamese communities, 45 percent of eligible
Asian-Americans are registered to vote, compared to 76 percent of the eligible
population as a whole.
Although the study did not compare Asian-Americans' participation
to that of other immigrant communities, Watanabe said their voter participation
runs at about the same rate as that of Latino immigrants in
Massachusetts
.
According to the report, Asian-Americans comprise about 10 percent
of the overall population of the 11 cities and towns surveyed: Boston ,
Brookline , Cambridge , Lowell , Lynn , Malden , Newton , Quincy , Somerville ,
Waltham , and Worcester . In cities with large Asian-American populations --
Quincy
, with 18.4 percent,
Malden
, with 18 percent -- the gap between presence and political participation is
particularly wide.
"I know a number of [Asian-American] people who would
like to be active and who are not eligible for citizenship," said Amy Mah
Sangiolo, who has been an alderman in
Newton
for eight years. "It's not a matter of Asian-Americans not wanting to
become citizens. Citizenship is so hard to get these days, given 9/11 and the
state of our country."
One of Sangiolo's fellow aldermen has sponsored an initiative to
give noncitizens the right to vote in local elections. In some other major
cities, including
Chicago
and
New York
, immigrants are allowed to vote in school board contests.
"It's a great way to get people involved in politics,"
she said. "You don't have to be a citizen for the government to take your
taxes, and our country was founded on [the principle of] no taxation without
representation."
Politically active Asian-Americans say there may be more that is
keeping Asian-American residents from political participation than the onerous
burdens of naturalization.
"Asians don't go into politics as much as others do, maybe
because politics is not embedded in their culture," said Yoon, whose
parents were born in
Korea
.
On the West Coast, Yoon and Sangiolo said, there are larger
Asian-American communities of longer standing in the
United States
than in the Northeast. Third and fourth generations there have embraced
politics, just as, they say, future generations will eventually embrace politics
in greater numbers here.
Others may feel bound by their backgrounds, Yoon said.
"A lot of Asian countries have been autocratic societies, and
there could be, for the first generation of Asians, a feeling that authority is
something to be feared more than respected," he said. "Asian culture
is more centered around community, and the stereotype of politicians [in
America
] is one that is egocentric and self-promotional, and maybe that runs across
the grain."
But both Yoon and Sangiolo are optimistic about the future.
"It's a matter of time for some folks like myself to jump out
of that cycle, to do something for which there is no precedent or expectation
from the community," Yoon said.
12/16/04 Los Angeles Times: Stark Contrasts Found Among Asian Americans:
The group's average family income tops
the overall
U.S.
figure. But while Indians
prosper, Cambodians, Laotians and Hmong struggle,
By Teresa Watanabe and Nancy Wride, Times Staff
Writers
Indian
Americans have surged forward as the most successful Asian minority in
the United States, reporting top levels of income, education, professional job
status
and English-language ability, even though three-fourths were foreign-born,
according to U.S. census data released Wednesday.
The striking success
of Asian Americans who trace their heritage to
India
contrasted with data showing struggles among Cambodian, Laotian and Hmong
immigrants. Those three groups reported continued significant poverty
rates, low
job skills and limited English-language ability since their flight from war and
political
turmoil.
The report, "We
the People: Asians in the United States," was based on 2000
census data and underscored the enormous socioeconomic diversity among the
nation's 10 million Asian Americans, more than one third of whom live in
California,
the state with their largest population.
Asian Americans
increased from 6.9 million, or 2.8% of the
U.S.
population, in
1990 to 10.2 million, or 3.6%, in 2000. Including mixed-race Asian Americans,
counted by the census for the first time in 2000, the population was 11.9
million, or
4.2%.
"It is a
community of contrasts," said Kimiko Kelly, research analyst with the
Asian
Pacific
American
Legal
Center
in
Los Angeles
. "Asian Americans are seen as a
model minority who are not suffering from barriers to education or progress. But
if
you look closely, you see a community that covers the whole spectrum, from
wealthy
to very poor."
She said the growing
diversity of the community, which was mainly Chinese,
Japanese and Filipinos until 1965 immigration reforms were instituted, has
multiplied
the challenges facing service organizations such as hers. Translators for health
clinics
and courts are among the pressing needs, she said.
The contrasts are
detailed in the report, which provides data on such items as age,
marital status, citizenship, language, education, earnings, poverty rates,
occupation
and home ownership among 11 Asian American groups.
Median family income,
for instance, ranged from $70,849 for Japanese and
$70,708 for Asian Indians to about half that for Cambodians and Hmong. Indian
men
showed the highest full-time earnings, $51,900, about double the figure for
Hmong
men.
About 64% of Asian
Indians held a bachelor's degree or more, the highest rate,
compared with 7.7% for Laotians and 7.5% for Hmong, the lowest. More than three-
fourths of Indians and Filipinos spoke fluent English, twice the rate for
Vietnamese.
Max Niedzwiecki,
executive director of the
Southeast Asia
Resource
Action
Center
in
Washington
,
D.C.
, said the differences stemmed in part from different
histories. Many Southeast Asian Americans came here as refugees with less formal
education and with memories of traumatic experiences stemming from the Vietnam
War and the murderous Khmer Rouge reign in
Cambodia
, he said.
In contrast, many
Asians Indians emigrated voluntarily from a relatively peaceful
homeland and were equipped with strong English skills to pursue higher academic
degrees or business opportunities. Between 1990 and 2000, they doubled their
population to 1.6 million and now rank as the third-largest Asian American group
after Chinese and Filipinos.
Take, for instance,
Venkatesh Koka, a 36-year-old real estate investor in Artesia.
The son of a civil engineer, Koka left a comfortable life with servants in
southern
India
to earn a master's degree in business administration at
Ohio
University
. As in
other upper-middle-class families, he had attended schools with instruction in
English
since his childhood, rendering him fluent even though he has always spoken
Telugu,
an Indian language, at home.
He says he came to the
United States
in 1986 after a friend studying here lured
him with wide-eyed stories of freeways, an easy life and good money.
Koka worked at a bank
and initially lost $1.5 million in real estate deals, filing for bankruptcy in
the mid-1990s. Since then, he said, he has bounced back as manager
of his family investments and has increased their value from $3 million to $15
million.
This year, his family created the Little India Village shopping plaza on
Pioneer
Boulevard
in Artesia.
"You never learn
life unless you come to
America
," Koka said. "In
India
, you have
servants and money from your parents. Here, you learn independence and how to
lose, how to gain."
Vinay Lal, an
associate professor of history at UCLA who specializes in the Indian diaspora,
said Indian Americans had made their strongest contributions in the
medical and high-technology industries. He said more than half of all graduates
from
India
's prestigious Indian Institutes of Technology come to the
United States
, and
currently number at least 25,000. He estimated that Indian Americans constituted
20% or more of
Silicon Valley
employees.
He believes, however,
that the Census Bureau significantly undercounted lower-
income Indian Americans. Other scholarly studies have found both high rates of
wealth and high rates of poverty in the community.
The new report found
that Southeast Asian communities continued to struggle
the most, which Niedzwiecki attributed in part to lingering traumas of strife in
that
region.
The nation's Hmongs
originally hailed from
Laos
but largely migrated here from
refugee camps in
Thailand
. Many of them have settled in
California
's
Central Valley
.
Pang Houa Moua, a
program manager for the Hmong National Development
advocacy group in
Washington
,
D.C.
, said traditional Hmong society was agrarian
and isolated, with no running water or electricity. A written language was not
developed until 1950, and formal education was limited: Her own parents, she
said,
did not learn that the world was round until they were teenagers.
"When you throw a
population like that into the middle of the most technologically advanced
society in the world, people are going to be confused," she said.
"They're
going to struggle."
Still, experts say
they find a striking divide among Southeast Asians between
adult refugees and their children, who are more assimilated and successful here.
For instance,
17-year-old Prumsodun Ok of
Long Beach
is a promising filmmaker
who just won an award and recognition from the YMCA's Youth Institute, where he
works after school. Prum, as he is known among friends, also is a late-blooming
accomplished classical Cambodian dancer at the
Khmer
Arts
Academy
in
Long
Beach
.
He is the
third-youngest of 10 children whose parents speak no English and have
never gotten off welfare here. They have their hearts in the homeland and are
"stuck
in place," the teenager said Wednesday.
He said his parents'
financial dependence on public assistance stemmed from
their failure to learn English, from advancing age and from isolation.
"I think they've
just been so unable to adapt to life here," he said of his parents.
"It's always, '
Cambodia
!
Cambodia
!' They always look inward and are scared and
isolated."
Prum was born in
Long Beach
, the first of the siblings to be a
U.S.
citizen. His
older siblings were born in prewar
Cambodia
, postwar Thai refugee camps or
elsewhere before the family settled in
Long Beach
, home to the largest population
of Cambodian refugees outside
Cambodia
.
His eldest siblings,
now approaching middle age, have been schooled and
employed, and some have their own businesses. One owns a florist shop in Eagle
Rock. Another works in the after-school program at
Whittier
Elementary School
in
Long Beach
. All are off welfare, which is Prum's aspiration.
A senior in
Long Beach
Polytechnic
High School
's magnet program, Prum
dreams of becoming a filmmaker and is applying to the California Institute of
the
Arts in
Valencia
.
"I want to be
independent," he insisted, "and I don't want anything to hold me
back."
Asians in
America
The median annual income of Asian families exceeded that of
all U.S. families,
and the percentage of Asians with at least a bachelor's degree was almost double
that of the total population, according to the 2000 census
12/9/04 Harvard
News Office: "Undermining the myth of the model minority,"
by Beth Potier
2004 Harvard University
Vivian
Shuh Ming Louie, assistant professor at the Harvard Graduate School of
Education (GSE), doesn't have to look far to see how the myth of Asian Americans
as a "model minority" has gained such traction in the American
imagination. After all, she embodies it. The daughter of Chinese immigrants who
worked in
New York City
's
restaurant and garment industries, she boasts a resume dotted with the education
world's most coveted brand names:
Andover
Phillips
Academy
, Harvard, Stanford, and Yale.
Yet even
as she was marching proudly through academia, earning a Ph.D. in sociology from
Yale and a fellowship and ultimately assistant professorship at Harvard, Louie
saw family members and friends from her former
Chinatown
neighborhood struggling to stay in,
or get into, college. Turning a scholarly lens on this experience, Louie has
produced "Compelled to Excel: Immigration, Education, and Opportunity Among
Chinese Americans" (Stanford University Press, 2004).
"The model minority thesis is used to make the argument
that race doesn't matter, that class doesn't matter, because look at all these
Asian Americans. Look how well they're doing," says Louie. "But in
fact, I find that class matters and race matters as well."
For
"Compelled to Excel," which grew out of Louie's dissertation, she
conducted qualitative research on Chinese American students in two distinct
higher education environments in her native
New York
:
Hunter
College
, a commuter college that is part of the City University of New York, and the
Ivy League Columbia University. In all, she interviewed 68 second-generation
Chinese American college students and the parents and adult
siblings of eight students to learn how their socioeconomic class and,
surprisingly to her,
race affected their educational opportunities.
Her
findings complicate the myth of the model minority that has captured the
American imagination for more than a century, from Jewish immigrants at the turn
of the 20th century
to black West Indians today.
'Is it culture or structure?'
Louie
set out to explore socioeconomic class as it relates to immigrants and education
because, she says, it's particularly under-examined among Asian Americans.
According to U.S. Census classifications, "Asian American" comprises
25 different groups. "When you lump all those groups together a lot gets
leavened out. One of those is the class dimension," she says.
Further,
within the broad classification of Asian Americans, Chinese Americans are an
especially bifurcated group. While some respondents in her study (most likely
the Columbia students) came from solidly white, middle-class suburbs where their
parents worked as professionals, others grew up in Chinatown, the sons and
daughters of immigrants with relatively low levels of formal schooling who
worked in what she calls "the twin engines of
the enclave economy," the garment and restaurant industries.
"I
want to complicate the idea of, is it culture or is it structure?" Louie
says. "Is it these values and beliefs that people have that shape their
behaviors? Or is it structure, a matter
of selective migration, a matter of economic and social resources that different
groups have?"
It's
both, Louie found. Regardless of class, Chinese Americans shared what she calls
"immigrant optimism."
"Chinese
immigrant parents have a lot of optimism about their kids' outcomes that they
shared with their children," she says, noting that such optimism extends to
other immigrant groups, as well. "The optimism is based on what the parents
perceive to be the relatively open opportunity structure in the
United States
as compared to their countries of origin."
Education,
particularly free, accessible public education, is the backbone to such
opportunities. Yet Louie found that structure - economic resources as well as
parents' own levels of education, language, and networking - created different
educational outcomes among Chinese Americans.
Growing
up in more affluent, suburban families, immigrant children accessed many of
the same opportunities their nonimmigrant peers did: good public schools (and
occasionally private schools), summer enrichment programs, strong college
guidance.
In
Chinatown
and other urban enclaves, Louie saw that immigrant parents relied on
ethnic networks to scout out the best public schools for their children. Yet
subtle economic distinctions continued to influence their children's educational
path. Wealthier immigrant parents - those who managed restaurants or owned shops
- often sent their children to "cram" schools in the enclaves, private
institutions owned by fellow Chinese that prepare students for the SAT or for
tests to gain entrance into the public exam or magnet schools. Parents on lower
rungs of the economic ladder often could not access such opportunities.
Common
to the children of urban enclaves, no matter what their parents' incomes, was
the sense that they had to take sole ownership of their K-12 education. Their
parents, with
limited education, English language skills, and contacts outside the ethnic
network, were often at a loss to help.
"They
don't know what schools do here," says Louie. "They know school's
important,
but they don't know what they do."
While
she suspected that class had an impact on the education of second-generation
Chinese Americans, Louie was surprised to find that race did, too.
"I
found that there was what I called 'immigrant pessimism,' which is across class.
It's not
all a rosy picture," she says. Immigrant parents of all classes conveyed to
their children that the
United States
|